THE 



VEIL REMOVED; 



REFLECTIONS 



DAVID HUMPHREYS' ESSAY ON THE LIFE 



ISRAEL PUTNAM. 

ALSO, 

NOTICES OF OLIVER W. B. FEABODy's LIFE OF THE SAME, 
S. SWETT's sketch of bunker HILL BATTLE, 

ETC. ETC. 



BY JOHN FELLOWS. 



" HiBtory has been etyled, ' The evidence of time — tlie depository of events.' It should 
oblige all who have performed any distinguished part on the theater of the world to appear 
before us in their proper character ; and to render the account of their actions at the tri- 
bunal of posterity, aa models which ought to be followed, or as e.\amplea to be censured 
and avoided." — Oordon, Hist. Am. Rev. 



NEW YORK: ' 
JAMES D. LOCKWOOD, 

5 JOHN-STREET. 



1843. 






^-^'"/^^ 



T^i l^qq 







EiUered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1843, 

By John Fellows, 

in the Clerk's Oflice of the District Court of the Southern District of 

New York. 



> .V 



S:fcreoiyped by 

RICHARD C. VALENTINK, 

46 Gold-street, New York. 

Princed by 

GEORGE W. WOOD & CO., 

V. Gold Street. 



\ 



.'i \'---. \ . \. ^ 



PREFACE 



" Is the time never to arrive when an honest man 
can tell the truth as to the events of the revolution ? 
Are facts, in regard to the character and conduct of 
Gen. Putnam, to be refuted by idle denials, and tales to 
be deemed veracious because they have been often re- 
peated ? I trust not, but that the time will come when 
the candid and impartial historian will do full justice to 
the men who were distinguished in the war for national 
independence." 

The above is an extract of a letter in reference to 
the work I had commenced. The prophecy of the 
writer is, I believe, already fulfilled. The fullness of 
time, in respect to this matter, has at length arrived. 

Judge Marshall has done much to dissipate the mist 
that enveloped a portion of our revolutionary history, 
and other lights have appeared since his publication, 
that clear the way for Mr. Bancroft to complete the 
work. 

Objections are made to my undertaking ; that it is 
too late to correct erroneous statements of occurrences 
which happened so long ago as our revolutionary war; 
that the sacred ashes of the dead should not be disturb- 
ed, de mortuis nil nisi bonum, etc. As though the truth 
should not be told, for the benefit of the living, from fear 
of injuring the deceased, who are beyond the reach of 
harm. This principle acted upon vv'ould render history 
as worthless as romance. 

Many even say, if they suspected they h^d been 



cheated in respect to the history of Putnam, they would 
not wish to be undeceived ; showing thereby the tena- 
city with which the generality of mankind cling to pre- 
conceived opinions. With such, all argument would be 
vain and useless. 

It is, moreover, said that the feelings of the descend- 
ants of Gen. Putnam would be wounded by any remarks 
tending to depreciate the military fame of their ancestor. 
To this I answer, that in the United States every per- 
son is estimated by his individual merits, and the de- 
scendants of Gen. Putnam may be entitled to the highest 
respect, without claiming one of the greatest military 
heroes in the world for their ancestor. 

If the history of our glorious revolution has been per- 
verted by awarding undue honor to some, to the neglect 
of those more deserving ; if the stories promulgated to 
the world by Col. Humphreys and others of the won- 
derful prowess and achievements of Israel Putnam are 
not true, and the credit bestowed upon them disreputa- 
ble to an intelligent, free people, I can see no reason 
why they should not be shown to be at variance with 
fact. This is the object I have in view, without any 
ill-will towards Gen. Putnam, or any of his family, none 
of whom have I ever known. 

*I have not written without book ; but if any errors, 
in matter of fact, should be pointed out, that have crept 
into the work, they will be acknowledged with pleasure, 
and corrected. Vituperative abuse will be suffered to 
pass unheeded. 

New Fork, Feb., 1843. 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER I. 

Putnam's Birth and Education — Singular Adventure in Killing 
a Wolf, p. 32. — Engages in the French War — Expedition in 
quest of a Prisoner, 38. — Putnam and Durkee tumble into a 
Clay-pit, 40. — A Singular Race, 46. — P. goes on a Scout in 
open daylight, 48. — Chivalrous Adventure, 52. — P.'s remarka- 
ble Courage in extinguishing a Fire which had taken place 
in the Barracks at Fort Edward, 55. 

CHAPTER n. 

Expedition against Ticonderoga, 57. — Perilous descent of the 
Rapids, near Fort Miller, 66. — Scout to South Bay — Putnam 
made prisoner, and taken to Montreal, 67. — Col. Peter Schuy- 
ler and Mrs. Jemima Howe, 77. 



CHAPTER III. 

Expedition against Montreal, 86. 

CHAPTER IV. 

Putnam offered a Bribe by Gen. Gage to support the Royal 
cause, 97. — Gen. Charles Lee — Skirmish on Hog and Noddle 
Islands, 103. — Letter from Roger Sherman to Gen. Wooster 
on the appointment of a Major-general by Congress, from 
■ Connecticut, 106. — Letter from Gen. Washington to the Presi- 
dent of Congress on the appointment of general officers, 107. — 
1# 



6 

Trumbull's Painting of the Battle of Bunker Hill, 109.— Ex- 
tracts from the Histories of the Battle of Bunker Hill by various 
authors, with the testimony of persons in the action, 116. 

CHAPTER V. 

Sketch of Bunker Hill Battle, by S. Swett, 141.— George E. Ellis's 
Oration, in commemoration of the Battle of Bunker Hill, 155. 

CHAPTER VI. 

Battle of Long Island, 165. — Letter of Gen. Sullivan to the Pre- 
sident of Congress, 171. — Letter of Gen. Washington to Gen. 
Sullivan, 172. 

CHAPTER VIL 

Putnam's command on the North River. Forts Montgomery 
and Clinton taken, 174. — Col. Hamilton's Letters to Gen. 
Washington respecting Gen. Putnam's neglect to obey his 
orders to forward reinforcements to him in the vicinity of 
Philadelphia, 193. — Washington's Letter to Putnam requiring 

- him in the most peremptory manner to forward the troops, be- 
fore ordered, immediately, 199. — Chancellor Livingston's Let- 
ter to Gen. Washington, complaining of Gen. Putnam's " im- 
prudent lenity to the disaffected, and too great intercourse with 
the enemy," 211. — Horse Neck Expedition, 213. — Gen. Put- 
nam's command of fifty men, stationed at Princeton — Capt. 
McPherson, 219. — Mrs. Coghlan, 221.— Military conduct of 
Col. Burr and Gen. Putnam contrasted, 225. — Putnam's death 
— Reflections. 



INTRODUCTION. 

I SHALL have frequent occasion to refer to the journal 
of Major Robert Rogers, who commanded a corps of 
provincial troops denominated Rangers, during the 
French or Seven Years' War, so called. The journal 
was published at London, in 1765. And as the work 
is probably little -known in America, it will doubt- 
less be satisfactory to the reader to be made acquainted 
with the character and standing of the author. For 
this purpose, I will in the first place give an abstract 
of the introduction to the work ; followed by oflicial 
documents, establishing the reputation Major Rogers 
acquired with the respective commanders ; likewise 
examples of his hazardous enterprises. 

" I claim," says the author, "the merit of impartially 
relating matters of fact without disguise or equivocation. 
Most of those which relate to myself can at present be 
attested by living witnesses." 

As an apology for defects in the style of his journal, 
he says : " It is the soldier, not the scholar, who writes ; 
that many things here were written in deserts, on rocks 
and mountains, amidst the hurries, disorders, and noise 
of war. This was my situation when the following 
journals were transmitted to the generals and com- 
manders I acted under ; which I am not now at liberty 
to correct, except in some very gross and palpable 
errors." 

Major Rogers was a native of a frontier town in the 



8 INTRODUCTION. 

then province of New Hampshire, where, he says, " I 
could hardly avoid obtaining some knowledge of the 
manners, customs, and language of the Indians ; and 
my manner of life was such as led me to a general ac- 
quaintance with the British and French settlements. 

"At the opening of the campaign, in 1755, troops 
were levied in the several provinces of New England, 
New Yoi'k, and New Jersey. The general rendezvous 
was appointed at Albany, in the province of New 
York, and the troops put under the command of Major- 
general (since Sir William) .Johnson. I had the honor 
of commanding a company in the troops furnished by 
New Hampshire ; and was rebommended to the gen- 
eral as a person well acquainted with the haunts and 
passes of the enemy, and the Indian method of fighting." 

"The 24th of September, [1755,] I received an order 
from the general to proceed with ibur men to Crown 
Point, and, if practicable, bring a prisoner from thence ; 
and with an account of the manner in which I executed 
this order, I shall begin my journals." 

The major then proceeds to detail his various expe- 
ditions and rencounters with the enemy ; of which I 
shall presently give an account of two, that proved 
very disastrous to the rangers. Reference to others 
will also occur, in the course of this work. — I now pass 
to the ofiicial documents alluded to above. 

" In Januar)^ 1758," says the author, " Lord Loudoun 
informed me of his intention to levy five additional com- 
panies of rangers, desiring me to name the persons 
whom I thought fit for officers, and such as might be 
depended upon to levy the men, giving me the follow- 
ing instructions : ' Whereas, I have thought proper to 



INTRODUCTION. 9 

augment the rangers with five additional companies, 
that is, four New England and one Indian company ; 
and whereas I have an entire confidence in your skill 
and knowledge of the men most fit for that service ; I 
do, therefore, by these presents, appoint you to raise 
such a number of non-commissioned officers and pri- 
vate men as will be necessary to complete the said five 
companies, upon the following establishments,' &c. — 
* You will not fail to instruct the officers appointed to 
this service that they are not to enlist any man for a 
less term than one year, nor any but what are able- 
bodied, well acquainted with the woods, used to hunt- 
ing, and every way qualified for the ranging service. 
You are also to observe that the men are all to be at 
Fort Edward on or before the 15th of March next en- 
suing.' 

"In pursuance of the above instructions, I immediately 
sent officers to the New England provinces, where, by 
the assistance of my friends, the requested augmenta- 
tion of rangers was quickly completed, the whole five 
companies being ready for service by the fourth day 
of March." 

On the 6th of April, 1758, Capt. Rogers was promo- 
ted to a majority, by Gen. Abercrombie, who had suc- 
ceeded Lord Loudoun, on the latter's returning to Eng- 
land. The commission says : " Having the greatest 
confidence in your loyalty, courage and skill in this 
kind of service, [that of the rangers,] I do, by virtue of 
the power and authority to me given by his majesty, 
hereby constitute and appoint you to be major of the 
rangers in his majesty's service, and likewise captain 
of a company of said rangers," &c. 



;:}0 INTRODUCTIO^f. 

At the close of the French war m America, in 1760, 
jMajor Rogers was commissioned, by Gen. Amherst, 
then commander-in-chief, to receive the surrender of 
Detroit and other western posts, then in possession of 
the French. The commission is addressed to Major 
Rogers, commanding his majesty's independent compa- 
nies of rangers. It is dated at the head-quarters in 
the camp of Montreal, 12th of September, 17G0. 

Major Rogers gives a particular account of the man- 
ner in which he executed this service, including his cor- 
respondence with the French commander at Detroit, 
and a journal of his whole tour, which terminated at 
New York, February the 14th, 1761. And with this 
he closes his book, an octavo volume of two hundred 
and forty-eight pages. 

Thus it appears that Major Rogers, by his fidelity, 
courage, and skill, obtained the fullest confidence 
and approbation of the several general officers under 
whom he served from the commencement to the end 
of the war. And as his journals, although not formally 
addi'essed to the commanders-in-chief, were constantly 
submitted to their inspection ; and, moreover, as his 
work was published soon after the close of the war, 
while living witnesses of the transactions therein re- 
corded might contradict his statements, if incorrect, we 
may safely place the utmost faith in the truth of the 
record. 

The author subjoins to the work the following ad- 
vertisement : — " It is proposed to continue this journal 
in a second volume, containing an account of my travels 
into the country of the Cherokees and of the southern 
Indians ; also of my second tour into the interior coun- 



INTRODUCTION. 11 

try upon the great lakes, and of the Indian wars in 
America since the year 1760, with correct plans of all 
the British forts upon the American continent." 

I take the following notice of Major Rogers and the 
rangers from Mr. Edward Everett's Life of John Stark, 
which is incorporated in Professor Sparks' " Library of 
American Biography." 

" A corps of rangers was enlisted in New Hampshire, 
by Robert Rogers, who acquired great reputation as a 
partisan officer in the progress of the war. Stark's ex- 
perience on scouting parties obviously fitted him for 
the service ; and his character was already so well es- 
tablished, that he received a commission as a lieutenant. 

" The journal of his service with these rangers was 
pubhshed by Major Rogers in 1765, at London, and 
presents an exceedingly interesting view of their severe 
and perilous warfare. Their duty was to reconnoitre 
the hostile posts and armies, to surprise straggling par- 
ties, and obtain prisoners, to effect diversions by false 
attacks, to serve as guides and couriers. They acted 
in a corps independent of the line of the army, under 
their own officers, and with their own regulations, as 
prescribed by their gallant leader, and still preserved 
in his journal alluded to."* 

" Early in January, 1757, a party of the rangers was 
detached on an expedition down the lake, which ended 
in an engagement of great severity, in which we behold 
clear indications of the future hero of Bennington." 

* These companies were kept, during the war, in the pay of the 
crown ; and after the peace, the officers were allowed half-pay 
in the British establishment. — Belknap's Hist, of New Hamp- 
shire. — Edii. 



12 INTRODUCTION. 

Here Mr. Everett gives a detail of this expedition, 
from Rogers' journal, in an improved style, with some 
additional information from other sources. 

" The action, which began at two o'clock in the af- 
ternoon, was kept up till sunset, when Major Rogers 
received a wound through his wrist, which prevented 
him from holding his gun. 

" The enemy used every artifice to induce the ran- 
gers to submit. He assured them, at one time, that 
large reinforcements were at hand, by whom they 
would be cut to pieces without mercy, and that if they 
surrendered they should be treated with kindness. He 
called on Rogers by name, and assured him of his es- 
teem and friendship, and expressed his regret that his 
brave companions in arms should persist in maintaining 
the contest, at the hazard of certain death. But these 
blandishments were as unavailing as the superior phy- 
sical power of the enemy ; and after Major Rogers's 
second wound had disabled him, the contest was kept 
up by Lieutenant Stark with equal bravery and con- 
duct, till at the approach of night the fire of the enemy 
ceased, and the rangers were able to take up their re- 
treat in safety. 

** The rangers were much weakened by the loss of 
men killed, and they had a great number too severely 
wounded to travel without extreme difficulty and the 
assistance of their comrades. Still, however, they were 
so near the French fort, that it was deemed absolutely 
necessary to make the best of their way during the 
night. Perceiving a large fire in the woods, which 
they supposed to be that of a hostile party, they made 
a long circuit in the night, and found themselves in the 



INTRODUCTION. 13 

morning six miles south of the advanced guard of the 
French, on Lake George. The wounded were unable 
to advance further on foot, and they were still forty 
miles from Fort William Henry. 

" In this distressing state of affairs, Lieutenant Stark 
volunteered, with two of his men, to proceed to the fort 
and return with sleighs for the wounded. The snow" 
was four feet deep on a level, and could be traversed 
only in snow-shoes. Notwithstanding their efforts and 
exhaustion the preceding day and night, Stark and his 
companions reached the fort, at a distance of forty 
miles, by evening. They got back to their companions 
with a sleigh and a small reinforcing party by the next 
morning. The party, reduced to forty-eight effective 
and six wounded men, with the prisoners they had ta- 
ken from the convoy, reached the fort in safety, the 
same evening. 

" In this severe affair, the rangers, out of seventy- 
eight n-j^n, had fourteen killed, six wounded, and six 
taken prisoners. The force of the enemy engaged 
amounted to two hundred and fifty, of which, accord- 
ing to a statement subsequently made by the enemy to 
Major Rogers, one hundred and sixteen were killed or 
mortally wounded. A large share of the honor of the 
day unquestionably belongs to Stark. After the first 
partial success against the convoy, it was recommend- 
ed by the council of officers to retreat, by a difierent 
route from that by which they came ; a settled practice 
of warfare borrowed by the rangers from the Indians. 
Had they pursued this prudent course, they would have 
escaped the battle. Rogers however, rendered confi- 
dent by a long series of successful adventures, and 

2 



14 INTRODUCTION. 

relying on the terrors with wliich his rangers had 
inspired the enemy, declared that they would not dare 
pursue him, and took the same route back. 

"After Captain Spikeman was killed and Rogers was 
disabled by his wounds, Stark's fortitude and persever- 
ance prevented the party from throwing away their 
lives, in a panic tlight before a victorious enemy. 

" On the reorganization of the corps. Stark received 
the justly merited promotion to the rank of captain, in 
the place of Spikeman who was killed. The whole 
party were honorably noticed by the commander-in- 
chief." 

The statement respecting Rogers' determination to 
return by the same route in which they came, is taken 
from a note by the editor of the Concord, N. H., edition 
of Rogers' journal, on the authority of a Mr. Shute, 
who was in the action. — That Stark returned to the 
■party, as above stated, I presume, is a mistake. It is 
not unlikely that he volunteered to proceed to Jhe fort, 
although Rogers, very properly in an official report, 
says, " From Lake George I despatched Lieut. Stark 
with two men to Fort William Henry, to procure con- 
veyance for our wounded men thither ; and the next 
morning w^e were met by a party of lifteen men with 
a sled, under the command of Lieut. Buckley, of 
Hobb's company of rangers, at the first narrows at 
Lake George." 

The following is an abstract from the journal : 

" Having laid my return, says Rogers, of the killed, 
wounded, and missing, in the above action, before Maj. 
Sparks, commanding officer at Fort Edward, he trans- 
mitted it to the general. And the 30th of January fol- 



INTEODUCTIOX, 15 

lowing, I wrote to Capt James Abercrombie, then at 
Albany, recommending such officers as I thought most 
deserving to fill the vacancies occasioned by the late 
action ; and I received the following answer : 

'Albany, Feb. 6, 1757. 
* Dear sir : 

* The general received your report by Maj. Sparks, 
and returns you and your men thanks for your good 
behavior. On receiving the account of your skirmish, 
we sent an express to Boston, and expect his return in 
a few days. Please to send me the names of the offi- 
cers you would recommend for your own company, 
and also to fill the vacancies in the others. — I yesterday 
received yours of the 30th of January. You cannot 
imagine how all ranks of people here are pleased with 
your conduct, and that of your men ; for my own part, 
it is no more than I expected. * * * * As soon 
as Gen. Abercrombie receives Lord Loudoun's instruc- 
tions in regard to the rangers, I shall send you notice 
of it ; in the interim, I hope you will get the better of 
your wound. If I can be of any service to you or your 
men, as long as they continue to behave so well, you 
may command your most humble servant, 

• James ABERCRo>fBi£, aid-de-camp. 

* To Capt. Robert Rogers.' " 

The Concord editor, above mentioned, says of Ro- 
gers : " He was a man of great presence of mind, in- 
trepidity, and perseverance in the accomplishment of 
his plans. He was six feet in height, well-proportioned, 
and one of the most active and athletic men of his time. 



16 INTRODUCTION. 

The Indians entertained a great dread of him, and with 
very good reason. — The late Gen. Stark, who had been 
for years the companion and friend of Rogers, gave him 
full credit for his courage." 

I will give here another specimen of the severe and 
hazardous duties imposed upon Maj. Rogers and the 
rangers, and of their courage and perseverance in the 
performance of them : in which it is also shown that 
Capt. Putnam had no connection with this corps. 

" On the 28th of February, 1758, Col. Haviland, who 
then commanded at Fort Edward, ordered out a scout 
under the direction of one Putnam, who commanded a 
company of Connecticut provincials, with some of my 
men, giving out publicly at the same time, that, upon 
Putnam's return, I should be sent to the French forts 
with a strong party of four hundred rangers. This 
was known not only to the officers, but soldiers also, 
before Putnam's departure. 

" While this party was out, a man in the service of 
Mr. Best, a sutler, was captured by a party from Ti- 
conderoga, and one of Putnam's men deserted to the 
enemy. Upon Capt. Putnam's return, we were inform- 
ed, he had ventured within eight miles of the French fort 
at Ticonderoga, and that a party he had sent to make 
discoveries reported to him, that there were nearly six 
hundred Indians not far from the enemy's quarters. 

"March 10th. Soon after the said Capt. Putnam's 
return, in consequence oi positive oxAers from Col. Hav- 
iland, I this day began a march for the neighborhood 
of Carillon, [the French name of Ticonderoga,] not with 
a party of four hundred men, as first given out, but of 
one hundred and eighty men only, officers included. I 



INTRODUCTION. 17 

acknowledge I entered upon this service, and viewed 
this small detachment of brave men march out, with 
no little concern and uneasiness of mind ; for as there 
was the greatest reason to expect that the enemy were, 
by the prisoner and deserter above mentioned, fully 
informed of the design of sending me out upon Put- 
nam's return, what could I think, to see my party, in- 
stead of being augmented, reduced to less than half the 
number originally proposed ? I must confess it appear- 
ed to me, ignorant and unskilful as I then was in poli- 
tics and the arts of war, incomprehensible ; hut my 
commander doubtless had his reasons, and is able to 
vindicate his own conduct. [The foregoing clause is 
italicized by the author ; who doubtless had his suspi- 
cions that Col. Haviland had been influenced by im- 
proper motives in this case. And I am inclined to 
believe he was moved by jealousy at the fame of the 
American partisan officer, Rogers, and his rangers, 
and intended they should be massacred. There are 
such wretches in all armies. America has not been 
free from them.] We marched to the half-way brook, 
and there encamped the first night." — Journal, p. 79.) 

Here the author gives a minute detail of his scout, 
and of his bloody, disastrous conflict with the enemy ; 
which occupies ten octavo pages. This detail would 
afford but little interest to the reader, at the present day. 
I, therefore, pass to the author's concluding remarks : 

" The enemy pushed us so close in front, that the 
parties were not more than twenty yards asunder in 
general, and sometimes intermixed with each other. 
The fire continued almost constant for an hqur and a 
half, from the beginning of the attack, in which we lost 

2* 



18 INTRODUCTION. 

eight officers, and more than one hundred privates kill- 
ed upon the spot. We were at last obliged to break, 
and I with about twenty men ran up the hill to Crafton, 
where we stopped and fired on the Indians, who were 
eagerly pursuing us with numbers we could not with- 
stand. Lieut. Phillips, being surrounded by three hun- 
dred Indians, was at this time capitulating for himself 
and party, on the other part of the hill. He spoke to 
me, and said if the enemy would give them good quar- 
ters, he thought it best to surrender, otherwise that he 
would fight while he had one man left to fire a gun.* 

" I now retreated with the remainder of my party, 
in the best manner possible ; several who were wound- 
ed and fatigued, were taken by the Indians. We 
reached Lake George in the evening, where we found 
several wounded men, whom we took with us to the 
place where we had left our sleds. From this place I 
sent an express to Fort Edward, desiring Mr. Haviland 
to send a party to assist in bringing in the wounded. 
We passed the night here without fire, or blankets 
which had fallen into the enemy's hands. In the 
morning we proceeded up the lake, and, at Hoop is- 
land, met Capt. John Stark coming to our relief, with 
provisions, blankets, and sleighs. We encamped there 
that night, and on the evening of the next day, March 
15th, arrived at Fort Edward. 

" The number of the enemy who attacked us was 
about seven hundred, of whom six hundred were In- 

* This unfortunate officer and his party, upon the strongest as- 
surances of good treatment, after they surrendered, were tied to 
trees, and hewed to pieces in the most barbarous and shocking 
manner. 



^ INTRODUCTION. 19 

dians. We afterwards learned that we killed one hun- 
dred and fifty of them, and wounded as many more. I 
will not pretend to say what would have been the re- 
sult of this unfortunate expedition had our numbers been 
four hundred strong, as w^as contemplated ; but it is due 
to those brave officers and men who accompanied me, 
most of whom are now no more, to declare, that every 
man, in his respective station, behaved with uncommon 
resolution and courage ; nor do I know an instance 
during the action in which the prudence or good con- 
duct of one of them could be questioned." (Journal, p. 87.) 
In making the above abstract from Rogers' journal, I 
have in some parts adopted the language of the Con- 
cord, N. H., edition of that work. The editor of this 
edition, by the way, has taken unbounded liberty with 
the original, adding to, and deducting from it, ad libi- 
tum ; as well as occasionally changing its phraseology. 
To this perhaps there would be no objection, provided 
the reader were informed of the course taken. The 
diction, where the editor appears to take any pains 
about it, is improved ; and the additions are probably 
correct, particularly the information derived from Gen. 
Stark, whose Life is included in the same volume, which 
was the principal object of the publication. The jour- 
nal, moreover, would well admit of great curtailment 
in its details, judiciously made. The editor, however, 
did not, I think, take sufficient time to prepare the work 
so well as he might have done. 

REVIEW OF Rogers' journal. 

The following is the only English notice of the work, 
that has fallen under my observation : 



20 INTRODUCTION. 

" ' Journals of Major Robert Rogers ; containing an 
account of the several excursions he made, under the 
generals who commanded on the continent of America, 
during the late war. From which may be collected 
the most material circumstances of every campaign on 
that continent, from the commencement to the conclu- 
sion of the war.' From the specimen of the work now 
before us, it appears that the accounts of Major Rogers 
may be depended upon by the public ; they are un- 
doubtedly as authentic as they are important and ne- 
cessary to those who would acquire a thorough under- 
standing of the nature and progress of the late military 
operations in North America. 

" The author writes like an honest, a sensible, and a 
modest man ; and has given, throughout his whole ac- 
count, undoubted proofs that he is a brave and skilful 
officer. He headed, with much reputation, the provin- 
cial troops called rangers, during the whole course of 
what were called the French wars in America." — Bibli- 
otheca Americana Nova, or catalogue of books relating 
to America, printed from 1700 to 1800. By O. Rich. 
London, 1832. 

That no doubt may rest on the mind of the reader 
in regard to the authenticity of the statements of facts 
by Maj. Rogers, in his journal, the following testimony 
of his title to credibility has been obtained from the dis- 
tinguished gentlemen therein named, citizens of his na- 
tive state, where his character would doubtless be duly 
estimated : 



INTRODUCTION. 21 

" Concord, July 16, 1842. 
" Dear sir — 

" I have made some inquiry respecting Major R. 
Rogers, and among our oldest inhabitants I find but 
one opinion respecting his character, and that is fully- 
expressed in the note enclosed to me, and transmitted 
herewith to you, from Gov. Hill. 

" Mr. Hill has perhaps a better knowledge of Major 
Rogers' character, as an officer, than any other person 
here : he has been prompted by reasons which could 
not have operated on others. 

" Respectfully, your obedient servant, 

" Robert Davis. 
"Mr. Charles Coffin, New York city." 

"Concord, July 2, 1842. 
" Gen. Robert Davis : • 
'• My dear sir — 
" I have this moment read Mr. Coffin's letter address- 
ed to you, requesting information in relation to the char- 
acter of the late Maj. Robert Rogers. Having recently 
had occasion to make inquiries relative to his early his- 
tory, I find nothing in the region of his birth that goes 
at all to discredit him. One of the last of his blood re- 
lations in this vicinity who personally remembered him, 
a lady, died about one year ago. From her mouth, 
through Mark Burnham, Esq., a native of the same 
town with Rogers, I derived the information that all 
the family were proud of his name, and were reluctant 
to associate it with a reputation that was not entirely 
unsullied. Maj. Rogers never resided in this state per- 
manently after the commencement of the Revolutionary 

War: he was ill the British service in Canada after the 



22 " INTRODUCTION. 

close of the old French War, partly in a military, and 
partly in a civil capacity. The only child bearing his 
name was several years under my care as guardian : 
this circumstance, among others, has led me more par- 
ticularly to mark the character of the celebrated war- 
rior. I consider him to have been one of the most 
talented men of the country — perhaps the best partisan 
officer this country ever produced. I believe him to 
have been the author of that perfect mode of attack and 
defence which enabled a hundred of the rangers to do 
more service than thousands of the British regulars, es- 
pecially in the winter service of the old war of 1756. 
Such safety to troops on fatigue amid the severest sea- 
sons of a severe climate was never secured — such cer- 
tainty in the results, either on the advance or retreat, 
perhaps, was never realized by any other force than 
the rangers, under the perfect arrangement and disci- 
pline invented by Rogers. I consider him to have been 
as great a man in his peculiar sphere as Napoleon Bo- 
naparte, and of moral courage and honesty coming 
nearly if not quite up to the mark of Andrew Jackson. 
" I am, respectfully, sir, your obedient servant, 

Isaac Hill." 

mante's history of the war. 

In the course of this volume, frequent reference will 
be made to the following work : 

•' History of the late war in North America and the 
Islands of the West Indies ; including the campaigns 
of 1763 and 1764, against his majesty's Indian ene- 
mies. By Thomas Mante, Major of a brigade in the 
campaign of 1764. London. 1772." 



INTRODUCTION. ^9; 

A quarto volume of 542 pages, with a volume con- 
taining maps and plans. 

The Bibliotheca Americana Nova speaks thus of the 
work : " Mr. Mante explains the cause of the com- 
mencement of hostilities with the French in North 
America in a satisfactory manner, and leads the reader 
through a circumstantial and entertaining detail of the 
military operations, both there and in the West Indies, 
to the end of the war ; together with two subsequent 
campaigns against the Indians." 

The Critical Review, or Annals of Literature, Lon- 
don, 1773, in a brief notice of the work, says : " The 
history presents us with no new information ; but we 
believe the facts are in general authenticated, and 
such readers as are desirous of perusing a detail of 
the war in America, may find it fully related in this 
work." 

There might be nothing in the history new to this 
critic, who had consulted other writers on the subject ; 
his acknowledgment, therefore, of its authenticity, is the 
more valuable. 

Maj. Mante often alludes to the services of Rogers, 
and always with the highest approbation. For instance, 
he says : " Capt. Robert Rogers, of the New Hampshire 
regiment, a person well acquainted with the woods of 
North America, and with the Indians in the interest of 
the English, having by this time [Sept. 1755] joined 
Gen. Johnson, he was ordered on different scouts to 
discover the number of the enemy, and how they were 
employed." 

The author concludes the work as follows : 

" Thus have we brought down to the time proposed 



24 INTRODUCTION. 

the history which we engaged to give the public. But 
we cannot take leave of the generous encouragers of 
this undertaking, without expressing our grateful ac- 
knowledgments for the journals and plans communica- 
ted to us by many general and other respectable offi- 
cers, employed on the different services which we have 
related. The only merit we pretend to in this compila- 
tion, is our having strictly adhered to that impartiality 
which ought to be the first consideration of every 
historian." 

I will here take a passing notice of the " Life of Is- 
rael Putnam," by Oliver W. B. Peabody, published at 
New York, in 1839. This work is no more than a 
varnished copy of that of Col. Humphreys. The au- 
thor says : " His [Putnam's] biography has been al- 
ready written by a friend and fellow-soldier, who 
gathered from his own lips a portion of his history ; 
and we shall freely avail ourselves of the materials 
which have been thus collected, in connection with 
such as have been gained from other sources." The 
whole story, however, had been fully told. Humphreys 
had gleaned from the general all that his fertile memory 
could furnish ; and there alone his history was to be 
found. The annals of the French war, as well as those 
of the American revolution, were extremely deficient 
in respect to the achievements of Putnam ; insomuch, 
that the work of Humphreys was undertaken avowedly 
to " rescue /rowi oblivion the actions of that distinguish- 
ed veteran." 

The work of Mr. Peabody, however, is written in 
far better style than its prototype ; it is the gilded pill, 
which lessens somewhat the aversion to the medicine. 



INTRODUCTION. ^5 

And the biography of Putnam, in the dress it now has, 
and in the company with which it is associated, has a 
fair chance to descend down to the latest posterity. It 
is stereotyped, and incorporated with the hves of the 
most eminent American worthies, in Professor Sparks' 
" Library of American Biography," being written, it is 
beheved, expressly for that work ; and of which a Lon- 
don edition is issued simultaneously with that of the 
American. — The publication is justly held in the highest 
estimation, being conducted by a gentleman of first-rate 
abilities ; but that the military character of Gen. Put- 
nam, which is the only claim that can be urged in his 
favor, entitled his name to a place in it, is, in the opinion 
of some persons, a little problematical. 

That discrepancies in histories of the same events by 
different authors should occur, is not surprising when 
we consider how difficult it is even in courts of justice 
to elicit the truth : the conflicting testimony adduced 
arising from the same transactions striking witnesses 
differently, or from prejudice in favor of or against one 
of the parties in contention. So with the writers of 
history, the difficulty of obtaining a true statement of 
facts, originating from the same causes, added to the 
national or party prejudices of the authors themselves, 
will naturally lead to representations variant and con- 
tradictory. 

Besides, many historians are in the habit of interlard- 
ing their, narrations with their own conceptions of what 
might, or ought, in their opinion, to have taken place ; 
which they give as actual occurrences. Thus in ancient 
history we are entertained with long harangues of gen- 
erals to their armies, before the means of transmitting 

3 



26 INTRODUCTION. 

them to posterity were known. I admire the frankness 
of Mr. Botta on this head. In a note to the reader, 
prefixed to his " History of the American war of Inde- 
pendence," he says : "There will be found, in the com'se 
of this history, several discourses of a certain length. 
Those I have put in the mouth of the different speakers 
have really been pronounced hy them, and upon those 
very occasions which are treated of in the work. I 
should, however, mention that I have sometimes made 
a single orator say Vv^hat has been said in substance by 
others of the same party. Sometimes, also, but rarely, 
using the liberty, granted in all times to historians, I 
have ventured to add a small number of phrases, which 
appeai'ed to me to coincide perfectly with the sense of 
the orator, and proper to enforce his opinion." 

In accordance with the principle here avowed, Mr. 
Botta, in treating of the Bunker Hill battle, observes : 
" It was during the retreat that Dr. Warren received 
his death. Finding the corps he commanded hotly 
pursued by the enemy, despising all danger, he stood 
alone before the ranks, endeavoring to rally his troops, 
and to encourage them by his own example. He re- 
minded them of the mottoes inscribed on theif ensigns ; 
on the one side of which were these words, ' An appeal 
to Heaven;'' and on the other, ''Q.ui transtulit, sustinet;'' 
meaning, that the same providence which brought their 
ancestors, through so many perils, to a place of refuge, 
would also deign to support their descendants."* 

* Col. Humphreys speaks of a standard containing the above 
armorial bearings, which, he says, had been sent from Connecticut, 
for the use of the troops from that province ; and from him doubt- 
less Mr. Botta obtained his information. 



INTRODUCTION. 27 

Now this is a sheer fiction of the historian ; nothing 
of the kind occurred. Dr. Warren had no command 
on the occasion, and it is most probable fell within the 
redoubt. At any rate, after the Americans had ex- 
pended all their ammunition, and of coui'se were under 
the necessity of quitting the fortifications, it would have 
been madness, by descanting upon the mottoes inscribed 
on their banners, to attempt to rally them to breast the 
balls and bayonets of the enemy in the open field. 
Sauve qui pent, "Save himself who can," was the only 
command, or exhortation to be given at this time. 

Mr. Botta had before said : " The provincials, desti- 
tute of bayonets, defended themselves valiantly with 
the but-end of their muskets. But the redoubt being 
already full of enemies, the American general [Col. 
Prescott] gave the signal of retreat, and drew off his 
men." 

How far Col. Humphreys, in his Life of Gen. Putnam, 
has indulged his own fancy in the narration, is for the 
reader to judge. 



29 



THE VEIL REMOVED, ETC. 



CHAPTER I. 



Col. Humphreys addressed his essay, in manuscript, 
to tlie State Society of the Cincinnati in Connecticut, 
covered in a letter to the president thereof, dated June 
4, 1788; and arrangements were doubtless made at the 
approaching anniversary of the society, July 4th, for 
its publication. 

It is not proposed to give a regular review of the 
work, but to select the most striking and important 
passages thereof, and make such strictures on them as 
may be deemed appropriate. The first extract taken 
commences at page twelve of the Boston editLt/ii of 
1818. 

The numerous errors and falsehoods relative to the birth 
and acliievements of Major-general Putnam, which have (at 
a former period) been circulated with assiduity on both sides 
of the Atlantic, and the uncertainty ichicli appeared to j^revail 
ivitli respect to his real character, first produced the resolution 
of writing this essay on his life, and induced the editor to 
obtain* materials from that hero himself. If communications 
of such authenticity, if personal intimacy as an aid-de-camp 
to that general, or if subsequent military employments, which 
afforded access t© sources"]- of intelligence not open to others, 

* The editor seizes with eagerness an opportunity of acknowledging his 
obligations to Dr. Albigence Waldo, who was so obliging as to commit to 
writmg many anecdotes, communicated to him by Gen. Putnam in the 
course of the present year, [1783.] 

t A multitude of proofs might be produced to demonstrate that niilitary 
facts cannot always be accurately known but by the commander-in-chiel 
and his coniidential officers. 

3* 



30 

give the writer any advantages, the unbiassed mind will de- 
cide how far they exculpate him from the imputations of that 
officiousness, ignorance, and presumption, which, in others, 
have been reprehended with severity. He only wishes that 
a premature and unfavorable construction may not be formed 
of his motive or object. Should this essay have any influ- 
ence in correcting mistakes, or rescuing from oblivion the ac- 
tions of that distinguished veteran ; should it create an 
emulation to copy his domestic, manly, and heroic virtues ; 
or should it prompt some more skilful hand to portray the 
illustrious group of patriots, sages, and heroes, who have 
guided our councils, fought our battles, and adorned the 
memorable epocha of independence, it will be an ample com- 
pensation for the trouble, and excite a consolatory reflection 
through every vicissitude of life. 

In regard to vv'hat the author says respecting milita- 
ry facts not being always known but by the command- 
er-in-chief, I will observe, that the acts of principal 
officers engaged in military transactions, must be suffi- 
ciently notorious to establish the degree of merit to 
which they are entitled. The acts of a major-general 
especially must become so well known to the intelligent 
part of the public, as to enable it to form a due estimate 
of his claims to approbation ; and these will be recorded 
in history. 

There is, however, an apology for the author's at- 
tempt to rescue from oblivion the actions of Putnam, in 
the early part of his military career, when serving in 
the French, or Seven Years' War. For, in fact, no 
history, including the transactions of that war, that I 
have consulted, alludes, in any manner whatever, to his 
exploits, nor even mentions his name, the journal ot 
Major Rogers alone excepted ;* and Rogers, as Mr. 
Peabody justly observes, "rarely notices him, and never 
with any comment indicating that the least importance 



* Since writing the above, I find that Mante states (he fact of Putnam's 
being made a prisoner, without the least allusion, however, to his prowess 
on that occasion. 



31 

was attached by the author to his services." It is 
evident then, that, had it not been for his biographer, 
Gen. Putnam would have acquired no distinction for 
his achievements, whatever they may have been, dur- 
ing that warfare. 

Israel Putnam, who, through a regular gradation of pro- 
motion, became the senior major-general in the army of the 
United States, was born at Salem, in the province (now state) 
of Massachusetts, on the 7th day of January, 1718. His fa- 
ther, Capt. Joseph Putnam, was the son of Mr. John Putnam, 
who, with two brothers, came from the south of England, and 
were among the first settlers, of Salem. 

To compensate partially for the deficiency of education 
(though nothing can remove or counterbalance the incon- 
veniencies experienced from it in public life) he derived from 
his parents the source of innumerable advantages in the 
stamina of a vigorous constitution. Nature, liberal in be- 
stowing on him bodily strength, hardiness, and activity, was 
by no means parsimonious in mental endowments. While 
we leave the qualities of the understanding to be developed 
in the process of life, it may not be improper, in this place, 
to designate some of the circumstances which were calculated 
to distinguish him afterwards as a partisan officer. 

Courage, enterprise, activity, and perseverance were the 
first characteristics of his mind. 

His disposition was as frank and generous as his mind was 
fearless and independent. He disguised nothing ; indeed he 
seemed incapable of disguise.. Perhaps in the intercourse 
he was ultimately obliged to have whh an artful world, his 
sincerity, on some occasions, outwent his discretion. Al- 
though he had too much suavity in his nature to commence 
a quarrel, he had too much sensibility not to feel, and too 
much honor not to resent an intended insult. The first time 
he went to Boston he was insulted for his rusticity by a boy 
of twice his size and age ; after bearing the sarcasms until 
his patience was worn out, he challenged; engaged, and 
vanquished his unmannerly antagonist, to the great diversion 
of a crowd of spectators. Wliile a stripling, his ambition 
was to perform the labor of a man, and to excel in athletic 
diversions. In that rude, but masculine age, whenever the 



32 

village-youth assembled on their usual occasions of festivity, 
pitching the bar, running, leaping, and wrestling were fa- 
vorite amusements. At such gymnastic exercises (in which, 
during the heroic times of ancient Greece and Rome, con- 
quest was considered as the promise of future military fame) 
he bore the palm from almost every ring. 

In the year 1739 he removed from Salem to Pomfret, an 
inland fertile town in Connecticut, forty miles east of Hart- 
ford : having here purchased a considerable tract of land he 
applied himself successfully to agriculture. 

The first years, on a new farm, are not however exempt 
from disasters and disappointments, which can only be re- 
medied by stubborn and patient industry. Our farmer, suffi- 
ciently occupied in building a house and barn, felling woods, 
making fences, solving grain, planting orchards, and taking 
care of his stock, had to encounter, in turn, the calamities 
occasioned by drought in summer, blast in harvest, loss of 
cattle in winter, and the desolation of his sheep-fold by Avolves. 
In one night he had seventy fine sheep and goats killed, be- 
sides many lambs and kids wounded. This havoc was com- 
mitted by a she-wolf which, with her annual whelps, had 
for several years infested the vicinity. The young were 
commonly destroyed by the vigilance of the hunters, but the 
old one was too sagacious to come within reach of gunshot : 
upon being closely pursued she would generally fly to the 
western woods, and return the next winter with another lit- 
ter of whelps. 

It is objected, that a single wolf could not possibly 
catch and kill seventy sheep and goats, and wound 
many lambs and kids besides, in one night ; and, more- 
over, that this number of sheep, for they must have 
composed the principal part of the flock, goats being 
rarely raised in Connecticut, was, at least, double the 
number usually kept, at the time alluded to, on the old- 
est farms : whereas Mr, Putnam had just commenced 
to cultivate a new one. There is, therefore, probably 
some mistake in the account here given ; which might 
have ai'isen from Putnam's impediment of speech, seven- 
teen being taken for seventy. 



33 

This wolf at length became such an intolerable nuisance, 
that Mr. Putnam entered into a combination with five of his 
neighbors to hunt alternately until they could destroy her. 
Two, by rotation, were to be constantly in pursuit. It was 
known, that, having lost the toes from one foot, by a steel 
trap, she made one track shorter than the other. By this 
vestige, the pursuers recognized, in a light snow, the route 
of this pernicious animal. Having followed her to Connec- 
ticut river and found she had turned back in a direct course to- 
wards Pomfret, they immediately returned, and by ten o'clock 
the next morning the bloodhounds had driven her into a den, 
about three miles distant from the house of Mr. Putnam. [The 
next inorning, that is, of the day after the chase was com- 
menced ; in which the hunters made a tour of eighty miles, 
to and from the river, in a little more than one day and night.] 
The people soon collected with dogs, guns, straw, fire and 
sulphur to attack the common enemy. With this apparatus 
several unsuccessful efforts were made to force her from the 
den. The hounds came back badly wounded and refused 
to return. The smoke of blazing straw had no effect. Nor 
did the fumes of burnt brimstone, with which the cavern was 
filled, compel her to quit the retirement. Wearied with 
Buch fruitless attempts (which had brought the time to ten 
o'clock at night,) Mr. Putnam tried once more to make his 
dog enter, but in vain ; he proposed to his negro man to go 
down into the cavern and shoot the wolf: the negro declined 
the hazardous service. Then it was that the master, angry 
at the disappointment, and declaring that he was ashamed 
to have a coward in his family, resolved himself to destroy 
the ferocious beast, lest she should escape through some un- 
known fissure of the rock.* His neighbors strongly remon- 
strated against the perilous enterprize : but he, knotoing that 
wild animals were intimidated by fire, and having provided 
several strips of birch-bark, the only combustible material 
which he could obtain, that would afford light in this deep 

* After appropriating the labor of this negro to his own benefit, it was 
ungenerous in Putnam to wish him to hazard his hfe also in an affair that 
could not be of the least possible advantage to himself. Mr. Putnani ought 
to have offered this poor fellow I'reedom, on condition of his killing the 
wolf; for in the way the latter was going on, she would soon destroy more 
than the amount of his value. 



34 

and darksome cave, prepared for his descent. Having, ac- 
cordingly, divested himself of his coat and waistcoat, and 
having a long rope fastened round his legs, hy which he 
might be pulled back-, at a concerted signal, he entered head 
foremost, with the blazing torch in his hand. 

The aperture of the den, on the east side of a very high 
ledge of rocks, is about two feet square ; from thence it de- 
scends obliquely fifteen feet, then running horizontally about 
ten more, it ascends gradually sixteen feet towards its termi- 
nation. The sides of this subterraneous cavity are composed 
of smooth and solid rocks, which seem to have been divided 
from each other by some former earthquake. The top and 
bottom are also of stone, and the entrance, in winter, being 
covered with ice, is exceedingly slipj^ery. It is in no place 
high enough for a man to raise himself upright, nor in any 
part more than three feet in width. 

Having groped his passage to the horizontal part of the 
den, the most terrifying darkness- appeared in front of the 
dim circle of light afforded by his torch. It was silent as 
the house of death. None but monsters of the desert had 
ever before explored this solitary mansion of horror. He, 
cautiously proceeding onward, came to the ascent ; which 
he slowly mounted on his hands and knees until he discover- 
ed the glaring eyeballs of the wolf, who was sitting at the 
extremity of the cavern. Started at the sight of fire, she 
gnashed her teeth, and gave a sullen growl. As soon as he 
had made the necessary discovery, he kicked the rope as a 
sigttal for pulling him out. The people, at the mouth of the 
den, who had listened with painful anxiety, hearing the 
growling of the wolf, and supposing their friend to be in the 
most imminent danger, drew him forth with such celerity that 
his shirt was stripped over his head and his skin severely 
lacerated. After he had adjusted his clothes, and loaded 
his gun with nine* buck-shot, holding a torch in one hand 
and the musket in the other, he descended the second time. 
When he drew nearer than before, the wolf, assuming a still 
more fierce and terrible appearance, howling, rolling her 
eyes, snapping her teeth, and dropping her head between 

* Nine is a cabalistic, sacred number, and il was doubtless believed, that 
a musket thus charged would be sure to take efl'ect. 



35 

her legs, was evidently in the attitude, and on the point of 
springing at him. At the critical instant he levelled and 
fired at her head. Stunned with the shock, and suffocated 
with tlie smoke, he immediately found himself drawn out of 
the cave. But having refreshed himself, and permitted the 
smoke to dissipate, he went down the tliird time. Once more 
he came within sight of the wolf, who appearing very pas- 
sive, he applied the torch to her nose, and perceiving her 
dead, he took hold of her ears, and then kicking the rope 
(still tied round his legs) the people above with no small ex- 
ultation dragged them both out together. 

I have offered these facts in greater detail, because they 
contain a display of character ; and because they have been 
erroneously related in several European publications, and 
very much mutilated in the History of Connecticut, a work 
as replete with falsehood as destitute of genius, lately print- 
ed in London. 

The work, here alluded to, was written by the Rev. 
Mr. Peters, a clergyman of the English church, and a 
tory refugee, in the time of the American revolution. 
After his arrival in England, with the view of serving 
his majesty in the best way he could, he published a 
caricature of the people, among whom he had officiated 
as their spiritual guide, which he denominated a history 
of Connecticut. 

As to the wonderful feat of Putnam, detailed above, 
more has probably been made of it than it is entitled 
to. The description of the den, in which the wolf took 
refuge, is said to be incorrect ; that it is by no means 
so extensive as represented. It is thought, also, that it 
would be impossible to drag a man out from such a 
zigzag course by a rope tied to his legs, with the addi- 
tional weight of a large wolf attached to him. 

As this cavern has never been subjected to measure- 
ment, its supposed dimensions depending entirely upon 
the estimate made of it by Putnam ; and as, in the pe- 
culiar circumstances in which he was placed, he would 
be very apt to form an erroneous opinion respecting it ; 
and, moreover, when the penchant which some people 



36 

have for the marvelous, and desire to enhance the dan- 
gers they have undergone, are taken into consideration, 
it is probable the objections are w^ell founded. 

After all, there was, perhaps, more cunning than 
courage exercised in this matter. Putnam knew that 
wild animals were intimidated by fire ; and was there- 
fore sensible that he did not run so great a hazard as 
his neighbors, ignorant of that fact, supposed. Upon 
the whole, I think it to be regretted that this wolf-story 
ever obtained publicity ; particularly as it tends to as- 
similate the character of Putnam to that of the fabulous 
heroes of antiquity, whose eareer commenced with the 
destruction of ferocious beasts and chimerical monsters. 
Besides, there could have been no necessity for such a 
procedure, as the rope might be tied to the wolf and 
she dragged out by herself, while Putnam could crawl 
back in the same manner he entered. 

As an apology, however, for the biographer, a wri- 
ter observes, that — " Some European statement repre- 
sented Putnam as having strangled the wolf in his arms, 
after having wounded him ; (see Biographical Diction- 
ary by John Gorton: London: article Putnam.) Show- 
ing the necessity of an accurate account of that affair." 
The same writer says : " Putnam was known in the 
French war, to the British officers, by the soubriquet 
of ' old wolf.'" 

After writing the above, I accidentally, a few days 
since, met with an intelligent gentleman, of about sixty 
years of age, a native of Pom fret, and of course con- 
versant with the Putnam wolf-story ; which he said 
was a real fact; that Putnam did actually kill the wolf 
in manner and form as stated. The cave, he said, was 
situated on the side of a hill, ahouififteeii feet in extent, 
somewhat large at the opening, then more narrow for 
a short distance, when it forms an area in which a man 
can stand erect. Here the wolf had taken up her do- 
micil. He had frequent conversations with Putnam's 
negro, Dick, who was present at this famous affair, and 



37 

acknowledged that Putnam requested him to enter the 
cave, which he decHned. 

I asked the gentleman if he had ever i*ead Col. Hum- 
phrey's account of this matter. He replied, that he 
did not recollect having done so ; and when I detailed 
to him the statement of Col. Humphreys he was as- 
tonished, and pronounced it untrue. 

Prosperity, at length, began to attend the agricuhural af- 
fairs of Mr. Putnam. He was acknowledged to be a skilful 
and indefatigable manager. 

But the time had now arrived which was to turn the in- 
struments of husbandry into weapons of hostility, and to 
exchange the hunting of wolves, who had ravaged the sheep- 
folds, for the pursuit after savages, who had desolated the 
frontiers. Mr. Putnam was about thirty-seven years old, 
when the war between England and France, which preceded 
the last, broke out in America. His reputation must have 
been favorably known to the government, since among the 
first troops that were levied by Connecticut, in 1755, he was 
appointed to the command of a company in Lyman's regi- 
ment of provincials. I have mentioned his age at this period 
expressly to obviate a prevalent opinion, that he was far ad- 
vanced in life when he commenced his military service. 

As he was extremely popular, he foimd no difficulty in 
enlisting his complement of recruits from the most hardy, 
enterprising, and respectable young men of his neighborhood. 
The regiment joined the army, at the opening of the cam- 
paign, not far distant from Crown Point. Soon after his arrival 
at camp, he became intimately acquainted with the famous 
partisan captain, afterwards Major Rogers, with whom he 
was frequently [twice] associated in traversing the wilder- 
ness, recomioitering the enemy's lines, gaining intelligence, 
and taking straggling prisoners, as well as in beating up the 
((uarters and surprising the advanced pickets of their army. 
For these operations a corps of rangers was formed from 
the irregulars. 

This is a mistake. No corps of rangers was formed 
from the irregular or provincial troops : they were en- 
listed, chiefly in New Hampshire, for the express ser- 

4 



38 

vice to which they were assigned. Putnam never be- 
longed to this corps ; although, upon a few occasions, 
he with provincial troops, as also regular English sol- 
diers, were detached to accompany it, when too weak 
in numbers for the service required. In the summer 
of 1757, in consequence of the mortality among the 
rangers by small-pox, fifty-two volunteers from the* 
regular troops, as before observed, were directed by 
Lord Loudoun to be ti-ained by Major Rogers for 
the ranging service. But there is not a single instance, 
mentioned by Rogers in his journal, of irregular or 
provincial troops being enlisted into the corps of ran- 
gers. 

The first time Rogers and Putnam were detached with a 
party of these light troops, it was the fortune of the latter 
to preserve, with his own hand, the life of the former. 

The object of this expedition was to obtain an accurate 
knowledge of the position and state of the works at Crown 
Point. It was impracticable to approach with their party 
near enough for this purpose, widiout being discovered. 
Alone, the undertaking was sufficiently hazardous, on ac- 
count of the swarms of hostile Indians who infested the 
woods. Our two partisans, however, left all their men at 
a convenient distance, with strict orders to continue con- 
cealed until their return. Having thus cautiously taken 
their arrangements, they advanced with the profoundcst si- 
lence in the evening ; and lay, during the night, contiguous 
to the fortress. Early in the morning they approached so 
close as to be able to give satisfactory information to the 
general who had sent them, on the several points to which 
their attention had been directed ; but Captain Rogers, be- 
ing at a little distance from Captain Putnam, fortuitously 
met a stout Frenchman, who instantly seized his fusee with 
one hand, and with the other attempted to stab him, while 
he called to an adjacent guard for assistance. The guard 
answered. Putnam, perceiving the imminent danger of his 
friend, and that no time was to be lost, or further alarm 
given by firing, ran rapidly to them, while they were yet 
struggling, and with the but-end of his piece laid the French- 



39 

man dead at his feet. The partisans, to elude pursuit, pre- 
cipitated their flight, joined the party, and returned without 
loss to the encampment. 

This is a plain story, which from its brevity could 
hardly admit of erors in the detail. If Colonel Hum- 
phreys had the relation from Gen. Putnam, it ought to 
be true to the letter ; yet Mr. Peabody, as though it 
were a part of a romance, that might be suited to the 
taste of the writer, inakes variations as to matters of 
fact ; non-essential, to be sure, any further than tend- 
ing to cast a doubt on the validity of Col. Humphreys' 
original statement. He says : — " They [Rogers and Put- 
nam] left their men concealed behind a willow thicket, 
and went themselves sufficiently near the works to pro- 
cure the information they desired. It was now about 
the hour of sunrise, when the soldiers began to issue 
in such numbers from the fort, that the partisans found 
no opportunity to rejoin their men without detection. 
In the course of an hour or two, a soldier came di- 
rectly to the spot where Rogers lay concealed at a lit- 
tle distance from Putnam," &c., p. 116. Mr. Peabody, 
it appears, had perused the journal of Maj. Rogers, 
and, it would seem, has borrowed some of the circum- 
stances detailed in his official report of this affair, 
which is as follows : 

" October 21, 1755. — I had orders from Gen. Johnson 
of this date, to embark for Crown Point, with a party 
of four men, in quest of a prisoner. At night we 
landed on the west side of Lake George, twenty-five 
miles from the English camp. The remainder of the 
way we marched by land, and the 26th we came in 
sight of the fort. In the evening we approached 
nearer, and next morning found ourselves within about 
300 yards of it. My men lay concealed in a thicket 
of willows, while I crept somewhat nearer, to a large 
pine log, where I concealed myself by holding bushes 
in my hand. Soon after sunrise the soldiers issued out 
in such numbers, that my men and I could not possi- 



40 

bly join each other without, a discovery. About 10 
o'clock a single man marched out directly towards our 
ambush. When I perceived him within ten yards of" 
me, I sprung over the log, and met him and offered 
him quarters, which he refused, and made a pass at 
me with a dirk, which I avoided, and presented my 
fusee to his breast ; but notwithstanding, he still pushed 
on with resolution, and obliged me to despatch him. 
This gave an alarm, and made it necessary for us to 
hasten to the mountain. I arrived sale at our camp 
the 30th, with all my party." 

I leave it to Mr. Peabody to reconcile the disagree- 
ment in the two statements. I confess, I can make no 
comment that would throw the least light upon the 
subject. It" Rogers' account is entitled to credit, which, 
I believe, will not be disputed. Col. Humphreys must 
have wofully misunderstood the communication made 
to him of this transaction. 

The time for which the colonial-^roops engaged to serve 
terminated with the campaign. "Pntnam was reappointed, 
and again took the field in 1756. 

Few are so ignorant of war as not to know, that military 
adventures, in the night, are always extremely liable to ac- 
cidents. Captain Putnam, having been commanded to re- 
connoiter the enemy's camp at the Ovens near Ticonderoga, 
took the brave Lieut. Robert Durkee as his companion. In 
attempting to execute these orders, he narrowly missed be- 
ing taken himself in the first instance, and killing his friend 
in the second. It was customary for the British and provin- 
cial troops to place their fires round their camp, which fre- 
quently exposed them to the enemy's scouts and patroles. A 
contrary practice, then unknown in the English army, pre- 
vailed among the French and Indians. The plan was much 
more rational ; they kept their fires in the center, lodged 
their men circularly at a distance, and posted their sentinels 
in the surrounding darkness. Our partisans approached 
the camp, and supposing the sentries were within the circle of 
fires, crept upon their hands and knees with the greatest 
possible caution, until, to their utter astonishment, they found 



41 

themselves in the thickest of the enemy. The sentinels, 
discovering them, fired and slightly wounded Durkee in the 
thigh. He and Putnam had no alternative. They fled. The 
latter, being foremost, and scarcely able to see his hand be- 
fore him, soon plunged into a clay pit. Durkee, almost at 
the identical moment, came tumbling after. Putnam by no 
means pleased at finding a companion, and believing him to 
be one of the enemy, lifted his tomahawk to give the deadly 
blow, when Durkee (who had followed so closely as to 
know him) inquired, whether he had escaped unhurt. Cap- 
tain Putnam instantly recognizing his voice, dropped his 
weapon : and both, springing from the pit, made good their 
retreat to the neighboring ledges, amidst a shower of random 
shot. There they betook themselves to a large log, by the 
side of which they lodged the remainder of the night. Be- 
fore they lay down, Captain Putnam said he had a little rum 
in his canteen, which could never be more acceptable or ne- 
cessary ; but on examining the canteen, which hung under 
his arm, he found the enemj'- had pierced it with their balls, 
and that there was not a drop of liquor left. The n«xt day 
he found fourteen bullet holes in his blanket. 

It is a little singular, that Capt. Putnam, while he and 
Lieut. Durkee started together in their flight, and both 
fell into a pit nearly at the same time, should have 
taken his companion for an enemy ; the agitated state 
of his mind may, however, account for the mistake. 
The reader, at the first view of this statement, would 
be apt to conclude that the escape of Putnam unharm- 
ed upon this occasion, bordered somewhat upon the 
miraculous, supposing that fourteen separate balls had 
pierced his blanket, and one or more his canteen ; but 
when it is considered, that his blanket was of course 
rolled up and slung upon his back, and therefore that 
one ball might have perforated it in as many places as 
stated, and at the same time passed through his can- 
teen, the wonderment ceases ; as it is not uncommon 
for the clothes of persons engaged in warfare to meet 
with the like accident without injury to the wearer. 

In the same summer [1756] a body of the enemy, con- 
4* 



43 

sisting of 600 men, attacked the baggage and provision wag- 
ons at a place called the Flalf-way-brook ; it being equidis- 
tant from Fort Edward, and the south end of Lake George. 
Having killed the oxen and plundered the' wagons, they re- 
treated with their booty without having met with such re- 
sistance as might have been expected from the strength of 
the escort. General Webb, upon»l'eeeiving intelligence of 
this disaster, ordered the Captains Putnam and Rogers " to 
take 100 volunteers in boats, with two wall-pieces and two 
blunderbusses, and to proceed down Lake George to a cer- 
tain point ; there to leave the batteaux under a proper guard, 
and thence to cross by land, so as to harass, and, if practi- 
cable, intercept the retreating enemy at the narrows." 
These orders were executed with so much punctuality, that 
the party arrived at the destined place half an hour before 
the hostile boats came in view. Here they waited, under 
cover, until the enemy (ignorant of these proceedings) en- 
tered the narrows with their batteaux loaded with plunder. 
Then the volunteers poured upon them volley after volley, 
killed many of the oarsmen, sunk a number of their batteaux, 
and would soon have destroyed the whole body of the ene- 
my, had not the unusual pi'ecipitancy of their passage (fa- 
vored by tlie wind) carried them through the narrows into 
the wide part of South Bay, where they were out of the 
reach of musket-shot. The shattered remnant of the little 
fleet soon arrived at Ticonderoga, and gave information tiiat 
Putnam and Rogers were at the narrows. A fresii party 
was instantly detached to cut them in pieces, on their return 
to Fort Edward. Our partisans, sensible of the probability 
of such an attempt, and being full twenty miles from their 
boats, strained every nerve to reach them as soon as possi- 
ble ; which they effected tlie same night. Next day, when 
they had returned as far as Sabbath-Day Point, they discov- 
ered, on shore, the before-mentioned detachment of 300 men, 
who had passed them in the night, and who now, on per- 
ceiving our party, took to their boats with the greatest alac- 
rity, and rowed out to give battle. They advanced in line, 
maintaining a good mien, and felicitating themselves upon 
the prospect of an easy conquest, from the great superiority 
of their numbers. Flushed with these expectations, they 



43 

were permitted to come within pistol-shot before a gun was 
'fired. At once, the wall-pieces and blunderbusses, which 
had been brought to rake them in the most vulnerable point, 
were discharged. As no such reception had been foreseen, 
the assailants were thrown into the utmost disorder. Their 
terror and confusion were greatly increased by a well-di- 
rected and most destructive fire of the small-arms. The 
larger pieces being reloaded, without annoyance, continued 
alternately with tlie musketry to make dreadful havoc, until 
the rout was completed, and the enemy driven back to Ti- 
conderoga. In this action, one of the bark canoes contained 
twenty Indians, of whom fifteen were killed. Great num- 
bers, from other boats, both of Fj'ench and Indians, were 
seen to fall overboard ; but the account of their total loss 
could never be ascertained. Rogers and Putnam had but 
one man killed, and two slightly wouryied. They now land- 
ed on the point, and having refreshed their men at leisure, 
returned in good order to the British camp. 

There seems to be no end to the bkmders in this 
book of Col. Humphreys. In this case, the object of 
the expedition alluded to, the number of men compos- 
ing it, and the name of the commanding general, by 
whose order it was undertaken, are misstated ; and, 
moreover, the detail of nearly all the circumstances 
attending it, is incorrect in point of fact 

The author, it is seen, previously to giving the fore- 
going account, says : — " The time for which the colo- 
nial troops engaged to serve terminated with tlie cam- 
paign. Putnam was reappointed, and again took the 
field in 1756." And then follows the above statement 
of an affair which took place in November, 175.5. 
Tiiis shows that Putnam kept no minutes of transac- 
tions that fell under his cognizance, or of which he had 
obtained imperfect accounts ; and that, in this instance, 
he had forgotten even the year in which they occur- 
red. Can a true history be expected from such a 
source ? 

The following is the official report of this aflair by 
Major Rogers, who commanded the expedition, not 



44 

Putnam and Rogers. The small party first sent out 
upon this occasion, was probably composed entirely 
of rangers ; and of coarse Putnam was not among 
them, but was attached to the reinforcement sent to 
their aid. 

I will in the first place introduce a short previous 
report, as tending to explain particularly the object of 
the expedition. 

" October 15, 1755. — Agreeably to orders of this date 
from Gen. Johnson, I embarked with forty men in five 
boats. Our design was to discover the strength of the 
enemy's advance guard, and, if possible, to decoy the 
whole or part of them into an ambush ; but though 
we were indefatigable in our endeavors for several 
days, yet all our attempts proved abortive ; and, as an 
account of our several movements during this scout 
would little gratify the reader, I shall o'mit giving a 
particular detail of them. We returned safe to our 
encampment at Lake George on the 19th. 

" November 4th, 1755. — Agreeably to orders from 
Gen. Johnson this day, I embarked for the enemy's ad- 
vance guard, before-mentioned, with a party of 30 men, in 
four batteaux, mounted with two wall-pieces each. The 
next morning, a little before daylight, we arrived with- 
in half a mile of them, where we landed, and concealed 
our boats. I then sent out four men as spies, who re- 
turned the next evening, and informed me, that the 
enemy had no works round them, but lay entirely 
open to an assault ; which advice I despatched imme- 
diately to the general, desiring a sufficient force to at- 
tack them ; which, notwithstanding the general's ear- 
nestness and activity in the aftair, did not arrive till 
we were obliged to retreat. On our return, however, 
we were met by a reinforcement, sent by the general, 
whereupon I returned towards the enemy, and the next 
evening sent two men to see if their sentries were 
alert, who approached so near as to be discovered and 
fired at by them, and were so closely pursued in their 



45 

retreat, that unhappily our whole party was discovered. 
The first notice I had of this being the case, was from 
two canoes with thirty men in them, which I conclud- 
ed came out with another party by land, in order to 
force us between two fires ; to prevent which, I with 
Lieut. McCurdy and fourteen men, embarked in two 
boats, leaving the remainder of the party on shore, un- 
der the command of Capt. Putnam. In order to de- 
coy tiie enemy within the reach of our wall-pieces, we 
steered as if we intended to pass by them, which luck- 
ily answered our expectations ; for they boldly headed 
us till within about an hundred yards, when we dis- 
charged the before- mentioned pieces, which killed sev- 
eral of them, and put the rest to flight. We drove 
them near where our land party lay, and they were 
galled also by them. At this time I discovered their 
party by land, and gave our people notice of it, who 
thereupon embarked, without receiving any considera- 
ble injury from the enemy's fire, notwithstanding it 
was for some time very brisk upon them. We warm- 
ly pursued the enemy, and again got an opportunity to 
discharge our wall-pieces upon them. We continued 
the pursuit down the lake to their landing, where 
they were received and covered by 100 men, upon 
whom we discharged our wall-pieces, and obliged them 
to retire. But finding their number vastly superior to 
ours, we judged it most prudent to return to our encamp- 
ment, at Lake George, where we safely arrived on the 
8th of November." 

' The affair at the Half-way-brook, mentioned by Col, 
Humphreys above, happened nearly three years after 
the period at which he has placed it. Major Manto 
thus notices the occurrence : 

" Whilst the intrenchments of Gen. Abercrombie 
enclosed him in security, M. de Montcalm exerted his 
usual activity in harassing the frontiers, and in de- 
taching parties to attack the convoys of the English. 
On the 17th of July, 1758, one of these parties de- 



46 

stroyed three provincial officers and upwards of twen- 
ty men, at Half-way-brook ; and the 27th of the same 
month, one hundred and sixteen wagoners and sixteen 
rangers met with the same fate, between that place 
and Fort Edward. Major Rogers was then detached 
with a party of seven hundred men, in quest of the 
enemy ; but they had the good fortune to escape him. 
On his return, he met an express from the genera], 
with orders to proceed to South and East Bay, and re- 
turn by Fort Edward. Whilst the major was pursu- 
ing the route prescribed him by these orders, he was 
attacked, on the 8th of August, near the spot where 
Fort St. Anne stood, by about 500 of the enemy, his 
own number being reduced to 530 men. But both he 
and his men behaved with so much spirit, that in an 
hour they broke the assailants, and obliged them to re- 
treat. In this action there fell 190of the French; and 
the English lost about 40, the missing included. Maj. 
Putnam and two lieutenants were made prisoners." 
(Page 158.) 

Major Rogers gives a particular description of this 
expedition, in his journal, which will appear hereafter 
in its proper place. He and Mante fully agree in their 
statements ; and, according to them, there is no propri- 
ety in the reflections cast upon the escort of the wag- 
oners by Col. Humphreys. It is a little singular, that 
Gen. Putnam should have forgotten the cause of the 
expedition in which he was made a prisoner, and trans- 
ferred it to an object entirely different, which happen- 
ed long before. 

THE RACE. 

Soon after these rencounters, a singular kind of race was 
run by our nimble-footed provincial and an active young 
Frenchman. The liberty of each was by turns at stake. 
Gen. Webb, wanting a prisoner for the sake of intelligence, 
sent Captain Putnam with five men to procure one. The 
captain concealed himself near the road which leads from 
Ticonderoga to the Ovens. His men seemed fond of show. 



47 

ing themselves, which unsoldierlike conduct he prohibited 
with the severest reprehension. This rebuke they imputed 
to unnecessary fear. They had not lain long, in the high 
grass, before a Frenchman and an Indian passed — the In- 
dian was considerably in advance. As soon as the former 
had gone by, Putnam, relying on the fidelity of his men, 
sprang up, ran, and ordered them to follow. After running 
about thirty rods, he seized the Frenchman by the shoul- 
ders, and forced him to surrender. But his prisoner, looking 
round, perceiving no other enemy, and knowing the Indian 
would be ready in a moment to assist him, began to make 
an obstinate resistance. Putnam, finding himself betrayed 
by his men into a perilous dilemma, let go his hold, stepped 
back and snapped his piece, which was leveled at the 
Frenchman's breast. It missed fire. Upon this he thought 
it most prudent to retreat. The Frenchman, in turn, chased 
him back to his men, who, at last, raised themselves from 
the grass ; which his pursuer espying in good time for him- 
self, made his escape. Putnam, mortified that these men 
had frustrated his success, dismissed them with disgrace ; 
and not long after accomplished his object. 

Captain Putnam, upon this occasion, as the story is 
told, caught a real Tartar ; who, not only unwilling to 
follow his captor, was inclined that the latter should 
accompany him ; and Putnam, it seems, adopted the 
sage advice of Dogberry to his watch. But there must 
be some mistake in this matter. It is hardly possible 
to conceive, that General Putnam would give a narra- 
tive so discreditable to himself The athletic, the 
brave Putnam, in the very prime and gristle of man- 
hood, (thirty-eight years of age,) and who, if he had 
lived in Greece, in the time of Pythagoras, might with 
confidence have entered the lists at the Olympic games, 
is here made to truckle to a stripling, whom he had in 
his clutches, and might, one would think, have carried 
off upon his shoulders. But on his making resistance, 
Putnam endeavors to shoot him, and thereby deprive 
himself of the very object he had in view, that of ma- 



.48 

king a ppisoner. Failing in this attempt, he takes to 
his heels, and the youngster after him. 

The Indian, spoken of, was considerably in advance, 
and, it does not appear, knew any thing of what was 
going on. The Frenchman made no call upon him. 
which is a sufficient indication that they were not trav- 
eling together, nor knew of their proximity to each 
other. This story ought to be expunged from the 
book — it cannot be true. 

Mr. Peabody has changed the phrase " considerably 
in advance," to " at a little distance," thereby rendering 
it more probable that the Indian would hear the bustle 
of the combatants, and turn back, to ascertain the cause. 
But he has no justification for taking this liberty with 
the original text. 

The active services of Captain Putnam on every occasion 
attracted the admiration of the public, and induced the Le- 
gislature of Connecticut to promote him to a majority in 
1757. 

As no official document appears, showing any ex- 
traordinary active services of Captain Putnam, his pro- 
motion was probably in accordance with the usual cus- 
tom of advancement in niilitary rank, according to se- 
niority of commission. Its immediate cause, in this 
case, was likely to have originated in a demand of an 
increase of provincial troops from Connecticut. 

A ^<iw days before the siege, [of Fort William Henry,] 
Major Putnam, with two hundred men, escorted Gen. Webb 
from Fort Edward to Fort William Henry. The object was 
to examine the state of this fortification, which stood at the 
southern extremity of Lake George. Several abortive at- 
tempts having been made by Major Rogers and others in the 
nighl season, Major Putnam proposed to go down the lake in 
open daylight, land at Northwest Bay, and tarry on shore 
until he could make satisfactory discovery of the enemy's 
actual situation at Ticonderoga and the adjacent posts. The 
plan (which he suggested) of landing with only five men, 
and sending back the boats, to prevent detection, was deem- 



49 

ed too hazardous by the general. At length, however, he 
was permitted to proceed with eighteen volunteers in three 
whale boats ; but before he arrived at Northwest Bay, he 
discovered a body of men on an island. Immediately upon 
this, he left two boats to fish at a distance, that they might 
not occasion an alarm, and returned himself with the infor- 
mation. The general, seeing him rowing back with great 
velocity, in a single boat, concluded the others were captur- 
ed, and sent a skiff, with orders for him alone to come on 
shore. After advising the general of the circumstances, he 
urged the expediency of returning to make further discove- 
ries, and bring otf the boats. Leave was reluctantly given. 
He found his people, and, passing still onward, discovered 
(by the aid of a good perspective glass) a large army in mo- 
tion. By this time several of the advanced canoes had 
nearly surrounded him, but by the swiftness of his whale 
boats, he escaped through the midst of them. On his return 
he informed the general minutely of all he had seen, and 
intimated his conviction that the expedition must obviously 
be destined against Fort William Henry. That commander, 
strictly enjoining silence on the subject, directed him to put 
his men under an oath of secrecy, and to prepare, without 
loss of time, to return to the head-quarters of the army. 
Major Putnam observed, " he hoped his excellency did not 
intend to neglect so fair an opportunity of giving battle, 
should the enemy presume to land." " What do you think 
we should do here ?" replied the general. Accordingly 
the next day he returned, and the day after Colonel Monroe 
was ordered from Fort Edward, with his regiment, to rein- 
force the garrison. That officer took with him all his rich 
baggage and camp equipage, notwithstanding Maj. Putnam's 
advice to the contrar3^ The day following his arrival, the 
enemy landed and besieged the place. 

The Marquis de Montcalm, provided with a good train of 
artillery, meeting with no annoyance from the British army, 
and but inconsiderable interruption from the garrison, ac- 
celerated his approaches so rapidly, as to obtain possession 
of the fort in a short time after completing the investiture. 

A very important affair is here attempted to be made 
up out of very small materials. Of what use was the 

5 



50 

discovery of a few men upon an island ? No advan- 
tage was taken of it, notwitiistanding Major Putnam's 
great haste to come back with the news. The report he 
gave of the dangerous situation in which he had im- 
prudently left two of his boats, caused the general re- 
luctantly to grant him liberty to return for them. Put- 
nam, however, with his usual good fortune, escaped 
through the midst of the enemxfs canoes. 

The ass,^;tion that Major Rogers made abortive at- 
tempts to'^^J^in information of the condition of the ene- 
my, at their different stations, by reason of making, his 
excursions in the night season ; and that it was reserv- 
ed for the brave and sagacious Putnam to undertake an 
expedition for that purpose, in open daylight, is too ri- 
diculous for comment. It would require the eyes of an 
owl, to take surveys of the enemy's positions and forti- 
fications in the night. Rogers, with his rangers, in his 
fatiguing scouts, traveled day and night, in all seasons 
of the year, and made reasonable, and, no doubt, cor- 
rect reports to the commanding generals of his discov- 
eries. 

There is such a resemblance in several circumstances 
contained in the foregoing statement of Colonel Hum- 
phreys, to those in the following official reports of Ma- 
jor Rogers, that I am induced to insert them. The ex- 
pedition, according to Rogers, it will be perceived, took 
place iiearly two years before tjie time allotted to it by 
Humphreys, Fort William Henry not being taken till 
August, 1757. It will be recollected that Rogers pub- 
lished his journal in 17G5, and that Humphreys' Life of 
Putnam did not appear till 1788. 

"November 10, 1755. Pursuant to orders I received 
this day from Gen. Johnson, in order to discover the 
enemy's strength and situation at Ticonderoga, I pro- 
ceeded on the scout with a party of ten men on the 12th 
instant; and on the 14th I arrived within view of the 
fort at that place, and found they had erected three 
new barracks and four storehouses in the fort ; between 



51 

which and the water they had eighty batteaux hauled 
upon the beach, and about fifty tents near the fort. 
They appeared to be very busy at work. Having by 
these discoveries answered the design of our march. 
we returned, arriving at our encampment the 19th. 

"December 19, 1755. Having had a month's repose, 
I proceeded, agreeably to orders from Gen. Johnson, 
with two men, once more to reconnoiter the French at 
Ticonderoga. \_EigJitecn volunteers, on account of the 
great hazard to be encountered, were deemed requisite 
by the general for a like scout under Putnam.] In our 
way we discovered a fire upon an island, adjacent to 
the route we took, lohich, as ive supposed, had been 
kindled by some of the enemy who were there. [Rogers 
did not return back to inform the general of this mighty 
discovery.] This obliged us to lie by, and act likefish- 
ennen, in order to deceive them till night came on, when 
we retired to the west side of the lake, fifteen miles 
north of our fort. Here concealing our boat, the 20th 
we pursued our march by land, and on the 21st, at 
noon, [open daylight] were in sight of the French fort; 
where we found their people still deeply engaged at 
work, and discovered four pieces of cannon mounted 
on the southeast bastion ; two at the northwest to- 
wards the woods, and two on the south. By what I 
judged, the number of their troops was about five hun- 
dred. I made several attempts to take a prisoner, by 
waylaying their paths ; but they always passed in num- 
bers vastly superior to mine, and thereby disappointed 
me. We approached very near their fort by night, and 
were driven by the cold, which was now very severe, 
to take shelter in one of their evacuated huts. Before 
day there was a fall of snow, which obliged us with all 
possible speed to march homeward, lest the enemy 
should perceive our tracks and pursue us. 

" We found our boat in safety, and had the good for- 
tune, after being almost exhausted with hunger, cold, 
and fatigue, to kill two deer, with which being refresh^ 



52 

ed, on the 24th, we returned to Fort William Henry, 
a fortress erected in this year's campaign, at the south 
end of Lake George." 

Major Rogers' reports are modest, plain narratives 
of facts, without any ostentatious displays of extraordi- 
nary courage or hair-breadth escapes. 

Not long after this misfortune, [capture of Fort William 
Henry,] Gen. Lyman succeeded to the command of Fort Ed- 
ward. He resolved to strengthen it. For this purpose one 
hundred and fifty mefl were employed in cutting timber. To 
cover them, Capt. Little was posted (with fifty British regu- 
lars) at the head of a thick swamp about one hundred rods 
eastward of the fort — to which his communication lay over 
a tongue of land, formed on the one side by the swamp, and 
by a creek on the other. 

One morning, at daybreak, a sentinel saw indistinctly 
several birds, as he conceived, come from the swamp and 
fly over him with incredible swiftness. While he was rumi- 
nating on these wonderful birds, and endeavoring to form 
some idea of their color, shapes and size, an arrow buried it- 
self in the limb of a tree just above his head. He now dis- 
covered the quality and design of these winged messengers 
of fate, and gave the alarm. Instantly the working party 
began to retreat along the defile. A large body of savages 
had concealed themselves in the morass before the guard was 
posted, and were attempting in this way to kill the sentinel 
without noise, with the design to surprise the whole party. 
Finding the alarm given, they rushed from the covert, shot 
and totnahawked those who were nearest at hand, and press- 
ed hard on the remainder of the unarmed fugitives. Capt. 
Little flew to their relief, and, by pouring on the Indians a 
well-timed fire, checked the pursuit, and enabled such of the 
fatigue-men as did not fall in the first onset, to retire to the 
fort. Thither he sent for assistance, his little party being 
almost overpowered by numbers. But the commandant, im- 
agining that the main body of the enemy were approaching 
for a general assault, called in his out-posts and shut the 
gates. 

Maj. Putnam lay, with his rangers, on an island adjacent 
to the fort. Having heard the musquelry, and learned that 



53 

his friend Capt. Little was in the utmost peril, he plunged 
into the river at the head of his corps, and waded through the 
water towards the place of engagement. This brought him 
so near to the fort, that Gen. Lyman, apprized of his design, 
and unwilling that the lives of a ^ew more brave men sliould 
be exposed to what he deemed inevitable destruction, mount- 
ed the parapet and ordered him to proceed no furtiier. The 
major only took time to make the best short apology he could, 
and marched on. This is the only instance in the whole course 
of his military service wherein he did not pay the strictest ohe- 
dience to orders ; and in this instance his motive was highly 
commendable. But when such conduct, even if sanctified 
by success, is passed over with impunity, it demonstrates 
that all is not right in the military system. In a disciplined 
army, such as that of the United States became under Gen. 
Washington, an officer guilty of a slighter violation of orders, 
however elevated in rank or meritorious in service, would 
have been brought before the bar of a court martial. Were 
it not for the seductive tendency of a brave man's example, 
I might have been spared the mortification of making these 
remarks on the conduct of an ofiicer, lohose distinguishing 
characteristics were jri'omptitude for duty and love of suhordi- 
nation, as well as cheerfulness to encounter every species of 
difficulty and danger. 

The rangers of Putnam soon opened their way for a junc- 
tion with the little handful of regulars, who still obstinately 
maintained their ground. By his advice the whole rushed 
impetuously with shouts and huzzas into the swamp. The 
savages fled on every side, and were chased, with no incon- 
siderable loss qn their part, as long as the daylight lasted. 
On oui's only one man was killed in the pursuit. His death 
was immediately revenged by that of the Indian who shot 
him. This Indian was one of the runners— -a chosen body 
of active young men, who are made use of not only to pro- 
cure intelligence and convey tidings, but also to guard the 
rear on a retreat. 

The foregoing is a private anecdote, no historian 
taking the least notice of it. The absolute misstate- 
ments, known to be contained in it, naturally lead to 
the conjecture that others may have occurred. These 

5* 



54 

misstatements are, in the first place, the connecting of 
Putnam with the corps of rangers, of which he was no 
more a member than his biographer. Secondly, the 
assertion, that this, if it actually happened, was the only 
instance in which Putnam disobeyed the orders of a 
superior ©fficer. He neglected to obey the orders of 
Gen. Washington more than once, and upon one occa- 
sion absolutely refused, as will appear hereafter ; which 
caused Washington to write to him as follows : " That 
you may not hesitate about complying with this oi'der, 
you are to consider it as pere77ipto7-y, and not to he dis- 
pensed with. * * * I could wish that in future my 
orders may be i?nmediateh/ complied with, without ar- 
guing upon the propriety of them. If any accident 
ensues from obeying them, the fault will be upo?i t7ie 
and not 7ipon you." 

The daring of Putnam, according to his biographer, 
seems to have frightened all the generals out of their 
senses, for fear his chivalrous adventures should cause 
the sacrifice of half the army. It is a fact, however, 
that very few men were ever lost under his immediate 
command. But that Gon. Lyman should be so weak 
as to suppose a scout of Indians, sent ahead of an army 
to exam.ine the condition of an enemy's post, should at- 
tack a few fatigue-men, adjacent to a fortification in- 
tended to be assaulted, is not credible. Scouts upon 
such occasions are ordered to reconnoiter an enemy's 
works with the utmost caution, to prevent being dis- 
covered, and then to return to the army and make their 
report. 

It is likely, in this case, that Maj. Putnam was not in 
fair hailing distance of the fort when he passed it, and 
in the confusion mistook the orders of the general, which 
doubtless were for him to hasten on to the support of 
Little as fast as possible. 

The attempt here made to elevate a subaltern officer 
at the expense of his superior, does not appear to be 
supported by the least probability of truth. Gen. Ly- 



man's character as a general officer stands unim peach- 
ed. "In 1755 he was appohited commander-in-chief 
of the Connecticut forces, and held this post with much 
distinction till the conclusion of the Canadian war." 
(Davenport, Biog.) 

Ill the winter of 1757, when Col. Haviland was command- 
ant at Fort Edward, the barracks adjoining to the northwest 
bastion took fire. They extended within twelve feet of the 
magazine, which contained three hundred bai'rels of powder. 
On its first discovery, the fire raged with great- violence. 
The commandant endeavored, in vain, by discharging some 
pieces of heavy artillery against the supporters of this flight 
of barracks, to level them with the ground. Putnam arrived 
from the island where he was stationed at the moment when 
the blaze approached that end which was contiguous to the 
magazine. Instantly a vigorous attempt was made to extin- 
guish the conflagration. A way was opened by a postern 
gate to the river, and the soldiers were employed in bringing 
water ; which he, having mounted on a ladder to the eaves of 
the building, received and threw upon the flame. It contin- 
ued, notwithstanding their utmost efforts, to gain upon them. 
He stood, enveloped in smoke, so near the sheet of fire, that 
a pair of thick blanket mittens were burnt entirely from his 
hands ; he was supplied with another pair dipt in water. 
Col. Haviland, fearing that he would perish in the flames, 
called to him to come down. But he entre^ed that he might 
be suftered to remain, since destruction must inevitably ensue 
if their exertions should be remitted. The gallant command- 
ant, not less astonished than charmed at the boldness of his 
conduct, forbade any more effects to be carried out of the 
fort, animated the men to redoubled diligence, and exclaim- 
ed, " If we must be blown up, we will go all together." At 
last, when the barracks were seen to be tumbling, Putnam 
. descended, placed himself at the interval, and continued from 
an incessant rotation of replenished buckets to- pour water 
upon the magazine. The outside planks were already con- 
sumed by the proximity of the fire, and as only one thickness 
of timber intervened, the trepidation now became general 
and extreme. Putnam, still undaunted, covered with a cloud 
of cinders, and scorched with the intensity of the heat, main- 



56 

tained his position until the fire subsided, and the danger was 
wholly over. He had contended for one hour and a half 
with that terrible element. His legs, his thighs, his arms, 
and liis face were blistered ; and when he pulled off his 
second pair of mittens, the skin from his hands and fingers 
followed them. It was a month before he recovered. The 
commandant, to whom his merits had before endeared him, 
could not stifle the emotions of gratitude, due to the man 
who had been so instrumental in preserving the magazine, 
the fort, and the garrison. 

It is somewhat singular that none of the historians 
who have treated ot" this war, should have taken a 
passing notice of so notable a circumstance as is here 
related. It would have been a terrible misfortune, had 
the magazine of this important post been blown up ; 
which, it seems, by this account, was saved by the su- 
perior prowess and untiring perseverance of one man. 
History, however, is silent on the subject, and, perhaps, 
it would have been as well if Col. Humphreys had fol- 
lowed "the example ; or, at least, given the description 
of the aftair in a less romantic style. When historical 
facts are mixed up with the wonderful, it leads to a 
suspicion that the whole is a fabrication. 



57 



CHAPTER II. 

The repulse before Ticonderoga took place in 1758. Gen. 
Abercrombie, the British commander-in-chief in America, 
conducted the expedition. His army, which amounted to 
nearly sixteen thousand regulars and provincials, was amply 
supplied with artillery and military stores. This well-ap- 
pointed corps passed over Lake George, and landed, without 
opposition, at the point of destination. The troops advanced 
in columns. Lord Howe, having Maj. Putnam loith hhn, was 
in front of the center. A body of ahout jive hundred men, 
(the advance, or pickets of the French army,) which had fled 
at first, began to skirmish with our left. " Putnam," said 
Lord Howe, " what means that firing ?" " I know not, but 
with your lordship's leave will see," replied the former. 
" I will accompany you," rejoined the gallant young noble- 
man. In vain did Maj. Putnam attempt to dissuade him by 
saying — •' My lord, if I am killed, the loss of my life will be 
of little consequence, but the preservation of yours is of in- 
finite importance to this army." The only answer was — 
" Putnam, your life is as dear to you as mine is to me ; I 
am determined to go." One hundred of the van, under Maj. 
Putnam, filed off with Lord Howe. They soon met the left 
flank of the enemy's advance, by whose first fire his lordship 
fell. — It was a loss indeed ; and particularly felt in the ope- 
rations which occurred three days afterwards. His manners 
and his virtues had made him the idol of the army. Noihing 
could be more calculated to inspire men with the rash ani- 
mation of rage, or to temper it with the cool perseverance of 
revenge, than the sight of such a hero, so beloved, fallen in 
his country's cause. It had the effect. Putnam's party, 
having cut their way olliquely through the enemy's ranks, and 
having been joined by Capt. D'Ell, with ttoenty men, together 
with some other small parties, charged them so furiously in 



58 

rear, that nearly three hundred were killed on the spot, and 
one hundred and forty-eight made prisoners. In the mean 
time, from the unskilfuhiess of the guides, some of our col- 
umns were bewildered. The left wing, seeing Putnam's 
party in their front, advancing over the dead bodies towards 
them, commenced a brisk and heavy fire, which killed a 
Serjeant and several privates. Nor could they, by sounds 
or signs, be convinced of their mistake, until Maj. Putnam, 
preferring (if heaven had thus ordained it) the loss of his own 
life to the loss of the lives of his brave associates, ran through 
the midst of the flying halls, and prevented the impending 
catastrophe. 

I will here, in this stage of the history, give abstracts 
from the accounts of Mante and Marshall of this expe- 
dition. 

An abstract of Major Mante's account of the expedi- 
tion against Ticonderoga, in 1758 : 

" The army being formed into four columns, and or- 
dered to march, they soon came to an encampment that 
had been occupied by the advanced guard of the ene- 
my, consisting of three pickets of the regiment of 
Guienne, and deserted by them on the approach of the 
English ; but not till they had destroyed their ammuni- 
tion and provisions, and set fire to their camp. 

" The woods being very thick, and impassable, with 
any regularity, to such a body of men, and the guides 
unskilful, the troops were bewildered, and the columns 
broke, falling in one upon another. During this disor- 
der, Lojrl Howe, at the head of the right center column, 
suppoi-ted by the light infantry, fell in with about five 
hundred French, who had likewise lost themselves in 
the woods." 

The author here gives an account of the skirmish, 
and the loss sustained by the enemy, and adds : " But 
this advantage was too inconsiderable to counterbalance 
the loss of Lord Howe, who, almost at the beginning 
of the action, received a musket ball in the breast, of 
which he instantly expired. The want of guides in a 



59 

country so circumstanced as to render the regular mo- 
tion even of a small party extremely difficult, must 
greatly embarrass that of a large army. Accordingly, 
the total ignorance of the ground on which this skirmish 
happened, together with the early death of Lord Howe, 
caused such confusion amongst the English, that the 
whole benefit of this little success was confined to that of 
occupying the ground upon which it ivas obtained, the 
night after." 

From Marshall's introduction to his Life of Wash- 
ington, vol. L, p. 432 : 

" The expedition against Ticonderoga and Crown 
Point was conducted by Gen. Abercrombie in person. 
Having assembled his forces in the neighborhood, he 
embarked them at Lake George on board one hundred 
and twenty-five whale boats and nine hundred batteaux. 
His army consisted of near sixteen thousand effectives, 
of whom about nine thousand were provincials. It 
was attended by a very formidable train of artillery, 
and every requisite for the success of the enterprise. 
The pieces designed to cover their landing were mount- 
ed on rafts. 

" Early the next morning they reached the landing 
place, which was in a cove on the west side of the lake 
leading to the advanced guard of the enemy, composed 
of one battalion, posted in a logged camp, when a de- 
barkation was effected without opposition. The troops 
were immediately formed into four columns, the British 
in the center, and the provincials on the fianks, in which 
order they marched towards the advanced guard of 
the French. On their approach, the enemy, who were 
not in force to oppose them, destroyed whatever was 
in their power, and deserting their camp made a pre- 
cipitate retreat. 

" Abercrombie continued his march towards Ticon- 
deroga with the intention of investing the place ; but 
the woods being very thick, and the guides unskilful, 
the columns were thrown into confusion, and in some 



60 

measure entangled with each other. In this situation, 
Lord Howe, at the head of the right center column, fell 
in with a part of the advanced guard of the enemy, 
which, in retreating from Lake George, was likewise 
lost in the woods. He immediately attacked and dis- 
persed them ; killing several, and taking one hundred 
and forty-eight prisoners, among whom were five offi- 
cers and three cadets. 

" This small advantage was purchased at a very dear 
rate ; though only two officers on the side of the British 
were killed : one of these was Lord Howe himself, who 
fell on the first fire. This gallant young nobleman had 
endeared himself to the whole army, and was univer- 
sally bewailed." 

Mante says the troops were formed into four col- 
umns, the British in the center, and the provincials on 
thejianks. And Marshall says Lord Howe was at the 
head of the right center column, supported by the light 
infantry. As Major Putnam belonged to the provin- 
cials, his station, of course, was on the Jlanks, and not 
with Lord Howe and the British troops, in the center. 
We find, also, by these documents, that the confusion 
which occurred by the columns falling in one upon 
another, happened before the English army met with 
the French picket, — not afterwards, as Humphreys 
states ; and, indeed, when no enemy could reasonably 
have been expected to be encountered; and it beingbroad 
daylight, it was hardly possible they could mistake each 
other for enemies. The different costumes of the Eng- 
lish and French troops were a sufficient safeguard 
against such an accident, at least, in the daytime. The 
sergeant and several privates, said to have been killed in 
consequence of making such a mistake, must have been 
slain by the balls of the enemy ; otherwise the histo- 
ries of the war would certainly contain a notice of 
such an untoward event. 

Was it necessary for the British army, consisting of 
16,000 men, to lose a favorite general officer, in order 



61 

to become sufficiently excited, resolutely to attack and 
defeat an advanced guard of the French, consisting of 
500 men ? And, after all, it would seem, by the biog- 
rapher's account, that the issue of the contest was 
doubtful, till Putnam's party cut their tcay obliquely 
through the enemy's ranks. 

The tender feelings which Maj. Putnam possessed taught 
him to respect an unfortunate foe, and to strive, by every 
lenient art in his power, to alleviate the miseries of war. 
For this purpose he remained on the field until it began to 
grow dark, employed in collecting such of the enemy as 
were left wounded, to one place ; he gave them all the 
liquor and little I'efreshments which he could procure ; he 
furnished to each of them a blanket ; he put three blankets 
under a French sergeant who was badly wounded thi'ough 
the body, and placed him in an easy posture by the side of a 
tree : the poor fellow could only squeeze his hand with an 
expressive grasp. " Ah," said Major Putnam, " depend 
upon it, my brave soldier, you shall be brought to the camp 
as soon as possible, and the same care shall be taken of you 
as if you were my brother." The next morning Major 
Rogers was sent to reconnoiter the field, and to bring off the 
wounded prisoners ; but finding the wounded unable to help 
themselves, in order to save trouble, he despatched every 
one of them to the world of spirits. Putnam's was not the 
only heart that bled. The provincial and British officers, 
who became acquainted with the fact, were struck with in- 
expressible horror. 

If Putnam was the author of this base slander, his 
boasted humanity was a consummate sham ; for while 
he was pharisaically proclaiming his own good deeds, 
he was, at the same time, endeavoring to stab the repu- 
tation of a brave, honorable fellow-soldier. The In- 
dian auxiliaries of both the French and English were 
frequently guilty of the most revolting cruelties to pris- 
oners, whether wounded or not, and the commanding 
officers always endeavored to screen themselves from 
the responsibility by a pretence, at least, that it was 
not in their power to restrain them. But to suppose, 

6 



62 

that a regularly commissioned officer, European or 
American, would be tolerated in such an act as here re- 
lated, when no plausible excuse could be given for its 
prevention, is supremely ridiculous. It would lead to 
retaliation, on the first opportunity. 

It appears, however, that the English army encamp- 
ed on the battle ground the night succeeding the skir- 
mish ; and that Rogers, instead of being sent on to it, 
was sent off from it, early the next morning. Maj. 
Mante, as stated above, says — " That the whole benefit 
of this little success was confined to that of occupying 
the ground upon which it was obtained, the night 
after." Maj. Putnam, therefore, might have remained 
with the sergeant mentioned, and others of the wound- 
ed enemy, all night, had he so chosen. 

The assailants, after having been for more than four hours 
exposed to a most fatal fire, without making any impression 
by their reiterated and obstinate proofs of valor, were or- 
dered to retreat. Maj. Putnam, who had acted as an aid in 
bringing the provincial regiments successively into action, as- 
sisted in preserving order. The loss on our side was upwards 
of two thousand killed and wounded. Twenty-five hundred 
stands of arms were taken by the French. Our army, after 
sustaining this havoc, retreated with such extraordinary 
precipitation, that they regained their camp at the southward 
of Lake George the evening after the action. 

Ubiquity, it seems, is one of the qualities attributed 
to Putnam ; for while he was with the English regu- 
lars, at the head of the right center column, cutting his 
way obliquely through the enemy's ranhs, he was, at the 
same time, acting as an aid in bringing the provincial 
regiments successively to action. Why really, it does 
appear that too much capital, on the score of merit, is 
attempted to be made out of this trifling affair, a mere 
skirmish, unworthy the name of battle. Whereas, one 
would think, in reading Humphreys' account of it, that 
two large armies, of fifteen or twenty thousand men 
each, had come in contact, and engaged in a tremen- 



63 

dous conflict. We have seen that the French picket 
of five hundred men, when they discovered the force 
corning against them, precipitately abandoned their 
fortification, and were making all the speed possible to 
arrive at Ticonderoga. But unfortunately missing their 
way, were overtaken by the English army, and, at 
once, " hemmed in on every side." It is probable they 
discharged their muskets once only, and then endeav- 
ored to make their escape. Their being surrounded, 
accounts for the large number, in proportion to their 
force, that fell into the hands of the English army. 
Several also, says Marshall, were killed. It being a 
momentary affair, precludes the possibility of the pro- 
vincials being brought successively into action. The 
contest was too soon over to admit of a succession or 
regular series of tactics. 

If Maj. Putnam acted so conspicuous a part in this 
enterprise, as here stated, it is singular that no histo- 
rian, not even Rogers, should mention his name in con- 
nection with it. His biographer, however, has atoned 
for the neglect, and done him, perhaps, more than am- 
ple justice. He belonged to the provincials, where 
there was opportunity enough for the attainment of 
fame without endeavoring to foist him into corps with 
which he had no concern. 

I will now give an abstract of Maj. Rogers' account 
of this expedition, as recorded in his journal. 

"On the 22d June, 1758, Lord Howe encamped at 
Lake George, where formerly stood Fort William Hen- 
ry, with a part of the troops destined to the attack of 
Ticonderoga ; and on the 28th, Maj. Gen. Abercrom- 
bie arrived at the same place with the remainder of 
the army, where he tarried till the morning of the 5th 
of July ; and then the whole army, consisting of nearly 
16,000, embarked in batteaux for Ticonderoga. 

" The order of march was a most agreeable sight. 
The regular troops in the center, provincials on each 
wing, the light infantry on the right of the advance 



64 

guard, the rangers on the left, with Col. Broadstreet's 
batteaux-men in the center. In this manner we proceed- 
ed till dusk, down Lake George, to Sabbath-day Point, 
where the army halted and refreshed. About ten 
o'clock the army moved again, and at twelve the whole 
landed. I immediately sent an officer to wait upon the 
general for his orders, and received directions from 
Capt. Abercrombie, one of his aids, to gain the top of 
a mountain that bore north about a mile from the land- 
ing place ; and from thence to proceed east to the river 
that runs into the falls betwixt the landing and the 
saw-mill ; to take possession of some rising ground on 
the enemy's side, and there wait the army's coming. I 
immediately marched to the place to which I was or- 
dered, where I arrived in about an hour, and posted 
my men to as good advantage as I could. 

" About two o'clock Cols. Lyman and Fitch came to 
my rear, and soon after a sharp fire began in the rear 
of Col. Lyman's regiment ; on which he said he would 
make his front immediately, and desired me to fall on 
their left flank, which I accordingly did. By this time, 
Lord Howe, with a detachment from his front, had 
broke the enemy, and hemmed them in on every side ; 
but advancing himself with great eagerness and intre- 
pidity upon them, was unfortunately shot, and died im- 
mediately. 

" There were taken prisoners of the enemy in this ac- 
tion, five officers, two volunteers, and 160 men, who 
were sent to the landing place. Nothing more mate- 
■ rial was done this day. The next morning, at six 
0^ clock, I was ordered to march with 400 rangers, to the 
river that nins into the falls, the place ivhere I was the 
day before, and there to halt, on the west side, till fur- 
ther orders ; while Capt. Stark, with the remainder of 
the rangers, marched with Capt. Abercrombie and 
Mr. Clerk, the engineer, to observe the position of the 
enemy at the fort, from whence they returned that eve- 
ning." 



65 

Thus it appears that Maj. Rogers, so far from be- 
ing on the ground the day after the battle, murdering 
the wounded prisoners, was at a great remove from it. 
Mr." Peabody seems a Httle shocked at this relation; 
and, after quoting it from Humphreys, he says : " We 
have no means of contradicting or confirming a story, 
which every reader would be glad to believe unfound- 
ed." Mr. Peabody is familiar with Rogers' journal, 
referring to it on several occasions, and therefore, one 
would think, had sufficient means for contradicting a 
statement so evidently false. 

" The whole army lay the ensuing night under arms. 
By sunrise next morning. Sir William Johnson joined 
the army, with four hundred and forty Indians. At 
seven o'clock I received orders to march with my ran- 
gers. A lieutenant of Capt. Stark's led the advance 
guard. I was within about three hundred yards of the 
breast-work, when my advance guard was ambushed 
and fired upon by about two hundred Frenchmen. I 
immediately formed a front, and marched up to the 
advance guard, who maintained their ground, and the 
enemy immediately retreated. The batteaux-men now 
formed on my left, and light infantry on my right. 
Soon after, three regiments of provincials came up and 
formed in my rear, at two hundred yards distance. 
About half an hour past ten, the greatest part of the 
army being drawn up, a fire began on the left wing, 
where Col. De Lancey's (the New Yorkers) and the 
boatmen were posted ; upon which I was ordered for- 
ward to endeavor to drive the enemy within the breast- 
work, and then to fall back, that the pickets and grena- 
diers might march through. The enemy soon retired 
within their works, and Maj. Proby marched through 
with his pickets, within a few yards of the breast-work, 
where he unhappily fell ; and the enemy keeping up a 
heavy fire, the soldiers hastened to the right-about, 
when Col. Haldiman came up with the grenadiers to 
support them, being followed by the battalions in bri- 

6* 



66 

gades. Some of the provincials with the Mohawks 
came up also. Col. Haldiman advanced very near the 
breast-work, which was at least eight feet high. 

'• We toiled with repeated attacks for four hours, being 
greatly embarrassed by trees that were felled by the 
enemy without their breast-woi'k, when the general 
thought proper to order a retreat, directing me to bring 
up the rear, which I did in the dusk of the evening. 
On the ninth we arrived at our encampment at the 
south end of Lake George ; where the army received 
the thanks of the general for their good behavior, and 
were ordered to intrench themselves. The wounded 
were sent to Fort Edward and Albany. Our loss, both 
in the regular and provincial troops, was somewhat 
considerable. The enemy's loss "^as about five hun- 
dred, besides those who were taken prisoners." 

As one day Maj. Putnam chanced to lie with a batteau 
and five men, on the eastern shore of the Hudson, near the 
Rapids, contiguous to which Fort Miller stood, his men on 
the opposite bank had given him to understand that a large 
body of savages wei'e in his rear, and would be upon him in 
a moment. To stay and be sacrificed, — to attempt crossing 
and be shot, or to go down the falls, with an almost abso- 
lute certainty of being drowned, were the sole alternatives 
that presented themselves to his choice. So instantaneously 
was the latter adopted, that one man who had rambled a lit- 
tle from the party, was, of necessity, left, and fell a misera- 
ble victim to savage barbarity. The Indians arrived on the 
shore soon enough to fire many balls on the batteau before 
it could be got under way. No sooner had our batteau-men 
escaped, by favor of the rapidity of the current, beyond the 
reach of musket-shot, than death seemed only to have been 
avoided in one form to be encountered in another not less 
terrible. Prominent rocks, latent shelves, absorbing eddies, 
and abrupt descents, for a quarter of a mile, afforded scarcely 
the smallest chance of escaping without a miracle. Putnam, 
trusting himself to a good providence, whose kindness he had 
often experienced, I'ather than to men, whose tenderest mer- 
cies are cruelty, was now seen to place himself sedately at 



67 

the helm, and afford an astonishing spectacle of serenity. 
Ilis companions, with a mixture of terror, admiration, and 
wonder, saw him incessantly changing the course, to avoid 
the jaws of ruin, that seemed expanded to swallow the whirl- 
ing boat. Twice he turned it fairly round to shun the rifts 
of rocks. Amidst these eddies, in which there was the 
greatest danger of its foundering, at one moment the sides 
were exposed to the fury of the waves ; then the stern, and 
next the bow glanced obliquely onward, with inconceivable 
velocity. With not less amazement the savages beheld him 
sometimes mounting the billows, then plunging abruptly 
down, at other times skilfully veering from the rocks, and 
shooting through the only narrow passage ; until, at last, 
they viewed the boat safely gliding on the smooth surface of 
the stream below. At this sight, it is asserted, that these 
rude sons of nature were affected with the same kind of su- 
perstitious veneration which the Europeans, in the dark ages, 
entertained for some of their most valorous champions. They 
deemed the man invulnerable, whom their balls, on nis push- 
ing from shore, could not touch ; and whom they had seen 
steering in safely down the rapids that had never before been 
passed. They conceived it would be an affront against the 
Great Spirit to attempt to kill this favored mortal with po7C- 
dcr and ball, if they should ever see and know him again. 

If the Indians looked upon Putnam as invulnerable 
by means of powder and ball, it seems, they had 
a different opinion of the instrumentality of the toma- 
hawk ; to which, it will be seen, he soon after this af- 
fair submitted. 

The author, in the foregoing description, has shown 
that he possessed more poetical talents, than qualifica- 
tions for an historian. The account is too inflated for 
a true narrative of facts. A poet, on his first passing 
through Hell-Gate, on the east river, or hearing it de- 
scribed, would be apt to depict the awful dangers it 
presents in equally glowing terms. Yet this passage 
is daily navigated without fear, as probably now are the 
rapids in question. 

In the month of August, [1758] five hundred men were 



68 

employed, under the orders of Majs. Rogers and Putnam, to 
watch the motions of the enemy near Ticonderoga. At 
South Bay they separated the party into two equal divisions, 
and Rogers took a position on Wood Creek, twelve miles 
distant from Putnam. 

Upon being, some time afterwards, discovered, they form- 
ed a reunion, and concerted measures for returning to Fort 
Edward. Their march through the woods was in three di- 
visions hy FILES : the right commanded by Rogers, the left 
by Putnam, and the center by Capt. D'Ell. The first night 
they encamped on the banks of Clear River, about a mile 
from old Fort Ann, which had been formerly built by Gen. 
Nicholson. Next morning Maj. Rogers, and a British offi- 
cer named Irwin, incautiously suffered themselves, from a 
spirit of false emulation, to be engaged in firing at a mark. 
Nothing could have been more repugnant to the military 
principles of Putnam than such conduct, or reprobated by 
him in more pointed terms. As soon as the heavy dew 
which had fallen the preceding night would permit, the de- 
tachment moved in one body, Putnam being in front, D'EII 
in center, and Rogers in the rear. The impervious growth 
of shrubs and underbrush that had sprung up, where the 
land had been partially cleared some years before, occasion- 
ed this change in the order of march. At the moment of 
moving, the famous French partisan Molang, who had been 
sent with five hundred men to intercept our party, was not 
more than one mile and a half distant from them.* Having 
heard the firing, he hastened to lay an ambuscade precisely 
in that part of the wood most favorable to his project. Maj. 
Putnam was just emerging from the thicket, into the com- 
mon forest, when the enemy rose, and with discordant ye//.? 
and whoops, commenced an attack upon the right of his di- 
vision. Surprised, but undismayed, Putnam halted, returned 
the fire, and passed the word for the other divisions to ad- 
vance for his support. D'Ell came. The action, though 
widely scattered, and principally fought between man and 
man, soon grew general and intensely warm. It would be 
as difficult as useless to describe this irregular and ferocious 

* Here the " one mile and a half" is reduced by Mr. Peabody to " scarce 
a mile,'' for fear, it may be supposed, the firing would not be heard at a mile 
and a half distance. 



69 

mode of fighting. Rogers came not wp ; but, as he declared 
afterwards, formed a circular file between our party and 
Wood Creek, to prevent their being taken in rear or enfila- 
ded.* Successful as he commonly was, his conduct did not 
always pass without unfavorable imputation. It was a cur- 
rent saying in the camp, " that Rogers always sent, but 
Putnam led, his men to action ;"" yet, in justice, it ought to 
be remarked here, that the latter has never been known, in 
relating the story of this day's disaster, to affix any stigma 
upon the conduct of the former. 

This is to knock a man down, then beg pardon, 
and allege that no offence was intended. The saddle 
is here evidently put upon the wrong horse. " That 
Rogers always sent, but Putnam led his men to action," 
is so contrary to all the historical records of the war 
in question, that it is astonishing it should have become 
a current saying in the camp. At any rate, the saying 
will not now pass current with those conversant with 
the history. 

Gen. Putnam had doubtless read Rogers' journal, 
and had not forgotten his report of a scout under the 
command of Putnam, in which he says : — " Upon 
Capt. Putnam's return, we were informed, he had ven- 
tured within eight miles of the French fort at Ticonde- 
roga, and that a party, he had sent to make discoveries, 
reported to him," &c. (See Introduction.) 

This small party might as well have been sent from 
the fort in the first place ; as a larger body of men, at the 
distance of eight miles, could render it no support in 
case of an attack. 

"Maj. Putnam, perceiving it would be impracticable to 

*Mr. Peabody has taken the liberty to make the insinuation of cowardice 
on the part of Rogers upon this occasion somewhat more pointed than the 
foregoing. He says : — " The assault, however unexpected, was sustained 
with gallantry and coolness ; Putnam ordered his men to halt, returned the 
fire, and called upon Dalzell and Rogers to support him. Dalzcll came im- 
mediately up ; but Rogers, instead of advancing to the aid of his associates, 
stationed his men between the combatants and Wood Creek, in order, as ho 
affirmed, to guard against an attack in the rear; or, as was suspected by 
others, to relieve himself from the necessity of making one in an opposite 
direcliou." 



70 

cross the creek, determined to maintain his gromid. In- 
spired by his example, the officers and men behaved with 
great bravery ; sometimes they fought aggregately in open 
view, and sometimes individually under cover ; taking aim 
from behind the bodies of trees, and acting in a manner in- 
dependent of each other. For himself, having discharged 
his fusee several times, at length il missed fire, while the 
muzzle was pressed against the breast of a large and well- 
proportioned savage. This warrior, availing himself of the 
indefensible attitude of his adversary, with a tremendous war- 
whoop, sprang forward with his lifted hatchet, and compelled 
him to surrender ; and having disarmed and bound him fast 
to a tree, returned to the battle. 

The intrepid Capts. D'Ell and Harman, who now com- 
manded, were forced to give ground for a litile distance : the 
savages, conceiving this to be the certain harbinger of vic- 
tory, rushed impetuously on, with dreadful and redouhled 
cries. But our two partisans, collecting a handful of brave 
men, gave the pursuers so warm a reception as to oblige 
them, in turn, to retreat a little beyond the spot at which the 
action had commenced. Here they made a stand. This 
change of ground occasioned the tree to which Putnam was 
tied to be directly between the fire of the two parties. Hu- 
man imagination can hardly figure to itself a more deplora- 
ble situation. The balls flew incessantly from either side, 
many struck the tree, while some passed through the sleeves 
and skirts of his coat. In this state of jeopardy, unable to 
move his body, to stir his limbs, or even to incline his head, 
he remained more than an hour. So equally balanced, and 
so obstinate was the fight ! At one moment, while the bat- 
tle swerved in favor of the enemy, a young savage chose an 
odd way of discovering his humor. He found Putnam 
bound. He might have dispatched him at a blow. But he 
loved better to excite the terrors of the prisoner, by hurling 
a tomahawk at his head ; or rather it should seem his object 
was to see how near he could throw it without touching him 
— the weapon struck in the tree a number of times at a 
hair^s-breadlh distance from the mark. 

Not only the hair-breadth escapes of Putnam border 
on the miraculous, but it is also most wonderful, that a 
savage warrior, in the heat of a doubtful battle, should 



71 

have left the field of action, to amuse himself in the 
manner here stated ; thus, however, the book has it, 
and the reader is left to form his own conjectures in 
regard to the accuracy in the narration of such strange 
occurrences. 

The author proceeds to detail the cruel treatment 
Putnam' received from the Indians. Among the rest, 
awful preparations were made for burning him alive ; 
but just before its intended consummation, he was for- 
tunately rescued by a French officer. The Indian to 
whom he surrendered, however, was not privy to this 
transaction ; who is reported as treating him kindly. 
But determined not to lose his captive, he had recourse 
to the following singular expedient, says the author, to 
prevent it. 

He took the moccasins from his feet, and tied them to one 
of his wrists ; then directing him to He down on his back 
upon the bare ground, he stretched one arm to its full length, 
and bound it fast to a young tree ; the other arm was ex- 
tended and bound in the same manner — his legs were 
stretched apart and fastened to two saplings. Then a num- 
ber of tall, but slender poles were cut down, which, with 
some long bushes, were laid across his body from head to 
foot : on each side lay as many hidians as could convenient- 
ly find lodging, in order to prevent the possibility of his es- 
cape. In this disagreeable and painful posture he remained 
until morning. 

The next night the party arrived at Ticonderoga. 
From whence Putnam was conducted to Montreal by 
a French officer. 

The cruelty of the American Indians in war to their 
prisoners, is well known, and the relation of instances 
of it cause no surprise ; but such unusual and unneces- 
sary precautions, as here recited, for the safe keeping 
of a single prisoner, excite our utmost wonder. Every 
thing, however, relating to Putnam, seems sui generis, 
peculiar to himself alone, nothing of the kind having 
ever happened to any other individual. The Indians 
must, indeed, have looked upon him as more than mortal. 



72 

If we can place any confidence in the official reports 
of Maj. Rogers, the whole of the foregoing statement, 
so far as respects. the action, and the purpose of the ex- 
pedition, is erroneous in every particular. 

It is not usual, nor would it be safe, in military expe- 
ditions, to make a copartnership in the command, lest 
the parties should disagree, and thereby render abor- 
tive the object intended to be effected. Rogers had 
the entire command in this case. He received an or- 
der, on the 28th of July, 1758, to embark with 700 
men, with a view of intercepting a party of the enemy, 
who had, the day before, attacked a convoy of wagon- 
ers, near Half-way-brook, and killed one hundred and 
sixty men. Maj. Putnam, it seems, with a party of 
provincials, as well as some companies of regular 
English troops, was detached to join his command, 
there not being a sufficiency of rangers for the service 
required. Col. Humphreys, having used up the cause 
of this expedition for another, undertaken for a -differ- 
ent purpose, in November, 1755, (see p. 41,) states this 
to be " to watch the jnotions of the enemy near Ticon- 
deroga." Whereas, five men, instead of five hundred, 
would have been sufficient for this object. There was 
no separation of the party, nor was their being dis- 
covered the cause of the conclusion to return to their 
station ; but in consequence of the enemy's having es- 
caped them, which rendered needless their longer re- 
maining. 

I will give Maj. Rogers' report of this affair, in con- 
firmation of what I assert. And let me impress upon 
the reader the fact, that Rogers kept a journal of his 
transactions, noting each day's occurrence, and makuig 
regular reports thereof to the commanding generals. 
It is not pretended that Gen. Putnam did any such 
thing, depending entirely upon memory to detail to his 
biographer events in which he had concern, that hap- 
pened twenty years and upwards before. Without 
doubting his veracity, therefore, we may account for 



73 

the numerous errors which appear in his Life, to for- 
getfulness. Add to this the habihty of misconceiving 
oral communications. 

The attempt here made to bring in doubt the brave- 
ry of Rogers is as vain as unjust and disingenuous. 
He was brave to a fault — to rashness ; and probably 
fought more desperate battles, in this war, than any 
two officers engaged iji it^on either side. His wounds 
were honorable testimonials of his personal exposure ; 
while some others, who served in that war, could not 
show a scratch received from the enemy in battle. 

Rogers, having justly acquired great fame for his 
useful services, was doubtless envied by many, who, 
not willing to run the same hazards as he had done, 
hoped, by depreciating his merits, to render themselves 
nearer on a par with him. And it must be confessed, 
for the fact is too palpable to admit of disguise, that 
Maj. Putnam was one of the number. 

It will be seen presently that Putnam, in the affair 
in question, surrendered on the first onset, before the 
detachment was formed for action, and being, of course, 
removed from the battle ground, could have no per- 
sonal knowledge of what passed afterwards. His 
communications, therefore, to his biographer of the oc- 
currences which took place in the engagement, must 
have been obtained from hearsay reports, utterly des- 
titute of truth. In conformity to these ridiculous ru- 
mors, Col. Humphreys modestly cashiers Rogers, and 
gives the command to the firm of Capts. D'Ell and 
Harman ; while Mr. Peabody confines it to Capt. Dal- 
zell, as he calls Humphreys' D'Ell. This is really a 
summary way of suiting historical facts to a particular 
purpose. Mr. Peabody had read Rogers' journal, and, 
I must think, has sinned against light. 

Here follows Rogers' official report of the scout in 
question : 

"July 8, 1758. By order of the general [Abercrom- 
bie] I this day began a scout to South Bay, from which 

7 



74 

I returned the 16th, having effected nothing considera- 
ble, except discovering a large party of the enemy, 
supposed to be nearly a thousand,' on the east side of 
the lake. This party the next day fell upon a detach- 
ment of Col. NichoH's regiment, at the Half-way- 
brook, killed three captains and upwards of twenty 
privates. 

"The 27th, another party of the enemy fell upon a 
convoy of wagoners, between Fort Edward and 
Half-way-brook, and killed one hundred and sixteen 
men, sixteen of whom were rangers. In pursuit of this 
party, with a design to intercept their retreat, I was 
ordered to embark, the 28th, with seven hundred men ; 
the enemy, however, escaped me, and ih my return 
home, on the 31st, I was met by an express from the 
general, with orders to march to South and East Bay, 
and return by way of Fort Edward. In the prosecu- 
tion of which orders, nothing very material happened 
till the 8th of August. Early in the morning of that 
day we decamped from the place where Fort Anne 
stood, and began our march ; Maj. Putnam with ^par- 
ty of provincials marching in front ; my rangers in the 
rear; Capt. Dalyell [Humphreys' D'Ell] with the regu- 
lars in the center ; the other officers suitably disposed 
among the men, being in number five hundred and 
thirty, exclusive of officers ; a number having by leave 
returned home the day before. After marching about 
three quarters of a mile, a fire began with five hundred 
of the enemy in the front. I brought my people into 
as good order as possible ; Capt. Dalyell in the center, 
and the rangers on the right with Capt. Partridge's 
light infantry : on the left was Capt. Giddings, with the 
Boston troops ; and Maj. Putnam, being in the front of 
his men when the fire began, the enemy rushed in, took 
him, one lieutenant, and two privates, prisoners, and 
considerably disordered others of the party ; who after- 
wards rallied and did good service, particularly Lieut. 
Durkee, who, notwithstanding two wounds, one in his 



75 

thigh, the other in his wrist, kept in the action the whole 
time, encouraging his men with great earnestness and 
resolution. Capt. Dalyell with Gage's hght infantry, 
and Lieut. Eyer's of the 44th regiment, behaved with 
great bravery, they being in the center, where at first 
vvas the hottest fire ; v/hich afterwards fell to the right, 
where the rangers were, and where the enemy made 
four different attacks. In short, officers and soldiers, 
throughout the detachment, behaved with such vigor 
and resolution as in one hour's time broke the enemy, 
and obliged them to retreat ; but this they did with 
such caution, in small scattering parties, as gave us no 
great opportunity to harass them by a pursuit. We 
kept the field, and buried our dead. 

" When the action was over, we had missing fifty- 
four men, twenty-one of whom came in, being separated- 
from us while the action continued. The enemy's loss 
was one hundred and ninety-nine killed on the spot, 
some of whom were Indians. We arrived at Fort Ed- 
ward on the 9th, being met, at some distance from it,' 
by Col. Provost, with a party of three hundred, and 
refreshments for the wounded, which I had desired by 
an express sent before." (Journal, p. 116.) 

I will here notice a mistake of some little importance, 
which Mr. Everett, in his Life of Stark, has, it must be 
supposed, fallen into through inadvertence. Speaking 
of the scout, treated of above, he says : " In the pro- 
gress of this action Maj. Israel Putnam, commanding a 
company of rangers, fell into the hands of the enemy. 
He was tied to a free by the Indians, and for a long 
time was within the fire of both parties, and otherwise 
exposed to peril and outrage from the savage foe." 
(p. 44.) Now, Mr. Everett professedly takes his infor- 
mation of the early career of Gen. Stark from the New 
Hampshire abstract of Rogers' journal, which contains 
a particular account of the battle here alluded to. This 
statement, therefore, would appear to be sanctioned by 
that work ; whereas, on the very page in which Put- 



76 

nam's capture is mentioned, it is stated, in giving the 
order in which the party proceeded, that " Maj. Put- 
nam .with a party of provincials marched in front ;" 
the same as above stated from the London edition of 
the journal. Maj. Putnam, therefore, did not command 
a company of rangers, upon this occasion. He was 
never commissioned as an officer of the rangers ; and 
no attempt to smuggle him into that corps can admit 
of justification. The notice of the cruel treatment 
received by Putnam from the Indians, I perceive, is 
copied from a note of the N. H. editor. Rogers makes 
no mention of it in his journal, he probably being un- 
acquainted with the fact. I will give, from Maj. Mante's 
History, a short account of this affair ; which accords 
with the statement of Rogers, bating a few trifling dis- 
crepancies, as follows : 

" Whilst the intrenchments of Gen. Abercrombie en- 
closed him in security, M. De Montcalm exerted his 
usual activity in harassing the frontiers, and in detach- 
ing parties to attack the convoys of the English. On 
the 17th of July, one of these parties destroyed three 
provincial officers and upwards of twenty men, at 
Half-way-brook ; on the 27th of the same month, one 
hundred and sixteen wagoners and sixteen rangers 
met with the same fate between that place and Fort 
Edward. Maj. Rogers was then detached with a party 
of seven hundred men in quest of the enemy ; but they 
had the good fortune to escape him. On his return he 
met an express from the general, with orders to proceed 
to South and East Bay, and return by Fort Edward. 
Whilst the major was pursuing the route prescribed him 
by these orders, he was attacked, on the 8th of August, 
near the spot where Fort Anne stood, by about five 
hundred of the enemy, his own number being reduced 
to five hundred and thirty men. But both he and his 
men behaved with so much spirit that in an hour they 
broke the assailants, and obliged them to retreat, though, 
such was the enemy's caution, without any prospect of 



77 

being able to harass them by a pursuit. In this action 
there fell one hundred and ninety of the French, and 
the English lost about forty, the missing inckided. 
Maj. Putnam and two Heutenants were made prison- 
ers." (p. 158.) 

There is here no mention of any copartnership in the 
command. The orders were given to Rogers only ; 
and Putnam evidently did not know the object of the 
expedition. 

We left Maj. Putnam at Montreal. At this place 
were several prisoners, and among them Col. Peter 
Schuyler; who generously furnished Maj. Putnam with 
clothing and money. An exchange of prisoners was 
about to be made. Col. Schuyler was comprehended 
in the cartel, and, by his management, Putnam w^as 
also included. Apprehensive if it should be known that 
Putnam was a distinguished partisan, his liberation 
might be retarded ; and knowing that there were offi- 
cers, who, from the length of their captivity, had a 
claim of priority to exchange, Schuyler made use of the 
following artifice : 

There is, said he to the governor, an old man here, who 
is a provincial major, and wishes to be at home with his wife 
and children ; he can do no good here or anywhere else ; I 
believe your excellency had better keep some of the young 
men, who have no wife or children to care for, and let the 
old fellow go home with me." This justifiable finesse had 
the desired eflect. 

It was certainly good policy to pass Maj. Putnam, 
upon this occasion, under his true title, provincial major, 
instead of that assumed for him by his biographer, as 
an officer of the rangers. The rangers had done the 
enemy much harm, and it might be expected v/ould do 
them still more. If, therefore, Putnam had been sup- 
posed to belong to this corps, it is not probable he 
would have received the special favor of being ex- 
changed, in preference to others having superior claims 
in consequence of longer detention as prisoners. But 



78 

it would, indeed, have been strange, had Putnam actu- 
ally been attached to the rangers, and performed such 
feats of valor, as recorded by Col. Humphreys, that his 
name should not have been known in Canada. It does 
not, however, appear that he had ever been heard of 
in that quarter. 

At the house of Col. Schuyler, Maj. Putnam became ac- 
quainted with Mrs. Howe, a fair captive, whose history 
would not be read without emotion, if it could be written in 
the same affecting manner in which I have often heard it 
told. She was still young and handsome herself, though 
she had two daughters of marriageable age. [The eldest, 
however, was but eleven years old.] 

Distress, which had taken somewhat from the original re- 
dundancy of her bloom, and added a softening paleness to 
her cheeks, rendered her appearance the more engaging. 
Her face, that seemed to have been formed for the assemblage 
of dimples and smiles, was clouded with care. The natural 
sweetness was not, however, soured by despondency and pet- 
ulance, but chastened by humility and resignation. This 
mild daughter of sorrow looked as if she had known the day 
of prosperity, when serenity and gladness of soul were the 
inmates of her bosom. That day was past, and the once 
lively features now assumed a tender melancholy, which 
witnessed her irreparable loss. She needed not the custom- 
ary weeds of mourning, or the fallacious pageantry of wo, 
to prove her widowed state. Slie was in that stage of afflic- 
tion when the excess is so far abated as to permit the subject 
to be drawn into conversation, without opening the wound 
afresh. It is then rather a source of pleasure than pain to 
dwell upon the circumstances in narration. Every thing 
conspired to make her story interesting. Her first husband 
liad been killed and scalped by the hidians some years be- 
fore. By an unexpected assault, in 17.56, upon Fort Dum- 
mer, where she then happened to be present with Mr. Howe, 
her second husband, the savages earned the fori, murdered 
the greater part of the garrison, mangled in death her hus- 
band, and led her away with seven children into captivity ? 
She was for some months' kept with them ; and during their 
rambles she was frequently on the point of perishing with 



79 

hunger, and as often subjected to hardships seemingly intol- 
erable to one of so delicate a frame. Some time after the 
career of her miseries began, the Indians selected a couple 
of their young men to marry her daughters. The fright 
and disgust which the intelligence of this intention occasion, 
ed to these poor young creatures, added infinitely to the sor- 
rows and perplexities of their frantic mother. To prevent 
the hated connection, all the activity of female resource was 
called into exertion. She found an opportunity of conveying 
to the governor a petition, that her daughters might be re- 
ceived into a convent for the sake of securing the salvation 
of their souls. Happily the pious fraud succeeded. 

About the same time the savages separated, and carried 
off her other five children into diflferent tribes. She M^as 
ransomed by an elderly French officer for four hundred 
livres. Though all the world was no better than a desert, 
and all its inhabitants were then indifferent to her, yet the 
loveliness of her appearance in sorrow had awakened affec- 
tions, which, in the aggravation of her troubles, were to be- 
come a new source of afflictions. 

The officer who bought her of the Indians had a son who 
also held a commission, and resided with his father. During 
lier continuance in the same house, at St. John's, the double 
attachment of the father and the son rendered her situation 
extremely distressing. It is true, tiie calmness of age de- 
lighted to gaze respectfully on her beauty ; but the impetu- 
osity of youth was fired to madness by the sight of her 
charms. [This woman must have been another Ninon de 
Lenclos.] 

The affair soon reached the governor's ears, and the young 
officer was, shortly afterwards, sent on a tour of duty to De- 
troit. 

This gave her a short respite ; but she dreaded his return, 
and the humiliating insults for which she might be reserved. 
Col. Schuyler became her protector, and endeavored to pro- 
cure her liberty. The person who purchased her from the 
savages, unwilling to part with so fair a purchase, demanded 
a thousand livres as her ransom. But Col. Schuyler ob- 
tained from the governor an order, in consequence of which 
Mrs. Howe was given up to him for four hundred livres ; 



80 

nor did his active goodness rest until every one of her five 
sons was restored to her. 

Business having made it necessary that Col. Schuyler 
should precede the prisoners who were exchanged, he recom- 
mended the fair captive to the protection of his friend Put- 
nam. She had just recovered from the measles when the 
party was preparing to set off for New England. By this 
time the young French officer had returned, with his passion 
rather increased than abated by absence. He pursued her 
wheresoever she went, and, although he could make no ad- 
vances in her affection, he seemed resolved, by perseverance, 
to carry his point. Mrs. Howe, terrified by his treatment, 
was obliged to keep constantly near Maj. Putnam, who in- 
formed the young officer that he should protect that lady at 
the risk of his life. 

In the long march from captivity, through an inhospitable 
wilderness, encumbered with five small children, she suffer- 
ed incredible hardships. Though endowed with masculine 
fortitude, she was truly feminine in strength, and must have 
fainted by the way, had it not been for the assistance of Maj. 
Putnam. There were a thousand good offices which the 
helplessness of her condition demanded, and which the gen- 
tleness of his nature delighted to perform. He assisted in 
leading her little ones, and in carrying them over the swampy 
grounds and runs of water, with which their course was fre- 
quently intersected. He mingled his own mess with that 
of the widow and fatherless, and assisted them in supplying 
and preparing their provisions. Upon arriving within the 
settlements, they experienced a reciprocal regret at separa- 
tion, and were only consoled by the expectation of soon 
mingling in the embraces of their former acquaintances and 
dearest connections. 

After the conquest of Canada, in 1760, she made a jour- 
ney to Quebec, in order to bring back her two daughters, 
whom she had left in a convent. She found one of them 
married to a French officer. The other having contracted 
a great fondness for the religious sisterhood, with reluctance 
consented to leave them and return. 

The editor of the Boston edition of this work, pub- 
lished in 1818, makes the following note: "Two or 



81 

three incidents respecting Mrs. Howe, which were re- 
ceived by the author from Gen. Putnam, and inserted 
in the former editions, are omitted in this, as they ap- 
peared, on further information, to be mistakes." 

Now, if Gen. Putnam has made two or three mistakes 
in the story of Mrs. Howe, is it not probable he has 
made others in the extraordinary and, in a measure, in- 
credible incidents of his hfe, as related by his biogra- 
pher ? Not having read any former edition of the 
work, I am not aware of the mistakes to which allu- 
sion is here made. 

Some time after I had made the foregoing remarks, 
and passed on to other matters, I accidentally met with 
the story of Mrs. Howe's captivity, as related by her- 
self; and i^ecorded in an appendix to the third volume 
of Belknap's History of New Hampshire. By which it 
appears, that the whole account of Col. Humphreys, 
so far as relates to the part assigned to Maj. Putnam, is 
a sheer mistake. The article is entitled — " A particu- 
lar ACCOUNT OF THE CaPTIVITY OF MrS. JeMIMA HoWE: 

by the Rev. Bunker Gay, of Hinsdale, in a letter to the 
author;" — of which the following is an abstract: 

"On the 27th of July, 1755, Caleb Howe, Hilkiah 
Grout, and Benjamin Gaffield, were ambushed by a 
party of Indians, as they were returning from their la- 
bor in the field to a place called Bridgman's Fort. 
Howe was killed ; Gaffield was drowned in attempting 
to cross the river, and Grout made his escape. The 
Indians went directly to Bridgman's Fort, where the 
families of these unfortunate men resided. There was 
no man in it, and only three women, the wives of the 
above-mentioned men, and their children, consisting of 
eleven, seven of whom were Mrs. Howe's. They had 
heard the report of guns, and were impatient to learn 
the cause. By the noise without, they concluded their 
friends had returned, and too hastily opened the gate 
to receive them ; when to their inexpressible surprise 
they admitted the savages, and these three families 



82 

were made captives. The eldest of Mrs. Howe's chil- 
dren was eleven years old, and the youngest but six 
months. The two eldest were daughters, which she 
had by her first husband, Mr. Wilham Phipps, who was 
also slain by the Indians. It was from the mouth of 
this woman that I lately received, I doubt not a true, 
though, to be sure, a very brief and impertect history 
of her captivity, which I transmit for your perusal. It 
may perhaps afford you some amusement, if you should 
not think it, or an abbreviation of it, worthy to be pre- 
served among the records you are about to publish." 

Here follows a detail of Mrs. Howe's sufferings, 
which is very similar to all cases of the kind with In- 
dian captives, and is not sufficiently interesting for in- 
sertion here, if, indeed, I had room to spare for the pur- 
pose. Mrs. Howe had the good fortune, as stated by 
Col. Humphreys, to procure her two daughters to be 
placed in a nunnery. " At the close of the war,*' she 
says, "the governor returned to France, taking my eldest 
daughter with him, whom he married to a French gen- 
tleman by the name of Cron Louis. My other daughter 
still remaining in the nunnery, I made a journey to 
Canada, resolving to use my best endeavors not to re- 
turn without her. But I found it extremely difficult to 
prevail with her to quit the nunnery. Indeed, she ab- 
solutely refused, and all the persuasions and arguments 
I could use had no effect, until I obtained a letter from 
the governor to the superintendent of the nuns, in which 
he threatened, if my daughter should not immediately 
be delivered into my hands, or could not be prevailed 
with to submit to my parental authority, he would send 
a band of soldiers to assist me in bringing her away. 
Upon hearing this she made no further resistance. But 
so extremely bigoted was she to the customs and reli- 
gion of the place, that she left it with the greatest re- 
luctance, and the most bitter lamentations, which she 
continued as we passed in the streets, and refused to 
be comforted. My good friend, Maj. S?nall, whom we 
met with on the way, tried all he could to console her, 



83 

and was so kind as to bear us company, and carry my 
daughter behind him on horseback. 

" But I have run on a little before my story, for I have 
not yet informed you of the means and manner of my 
own redemption; to the accomplishing of which sev- 
eral gentlemen contributed. To whose goodness, there- 
fore, I am greatly indebted, and hope I shall never be 
so ungrateful as to forget. Col. Schuyler in particular 
was so very kind and generous as to advance two 
thousand seven hundred livres to procure a ransom for 
myself and three of my children. He accompanied and 
conducted us from Montreal to Albany, and entertained 
us in the most friendly^ and hospitable manner a con- 
siderable time, at his own house, and I believe entirely 
at his own expense." 

" I have spun out the above narrative," says Mr. Gay, 
" to a much greater length than I at first intended, and 
shall conclude it with referring. you, for a more ample 
and brilliant account of the captive heroine who is the 
subject of it, to Col. Humphreys' History of the Life 
of Gen. Israel Putnam, with some remarks upon a few 
clauses of it. I never indeed had the pleasure of pe- 
rusing the whole of that history, but remember to have 
seen, some time ago, an extract from it in one of the 
Boston newspapers, in which the colonel has extolled 
the beauty, good sense, and I'are accompUshinents of 
Mrs. Howe, in a style that may appear, to those who 
are acquainted with her, at this day romantic and ex- 
travagant. And the colonel must have been misin- 
formed with respect to some particulars that he has 
mentioned in her story. Indeed, when I read the ex- 
tract from his history to Mrs. Tate, which name she 
has derived from a third husband, whose widow she 
now remains, she seemed to be well pleased, and said 
at first it was all true, but soon after contradicted the 
circumstance of her lover's being so bereft of his 
senses when he saw her moving off in a boat at some 
distance from the shore, as to plunge into the water af- 
ter her, in consequence of which he was seen no more. 



84 

It is true, she said, that as she was returning from Mon- 
treal to Albany, she met with young Saccapee on the 
way. That she was in the boat with Col. Schuyler, 
that the French officer came on board the boat, made 
her some handsome presents, took his final leave of 
her, and departed, to all appearance, in tolerable good 
humor. 

" She moreover says, that when she went to Canada 
for her daughter, she met with him again ; that he 
showed her a lock of her hair, and her name likewise 
printed with vermilion on his arm. As to her being 
chosen agent to go to Europe, m behalf of the people 
of Hinsdale, when Col. Howard obtained from the 
government of New York a patent for their lands on 
the west side of Connecticut river, it loas never once 
thought of by the Hinsdale people, until the abqve men- 
tioned extract arrived among them ; in which the au- 
thor asserts it as rtn undoubted fact." This statement 
of Mrs. Howe's being chosen by the people of Hins- 
dale their embassadress on a foreign mission, and that 
of Saccapee's plunging into the water after her, and in 
consequence was no more seen, are among the two or 
three mistakes mentioned by the Boston editor as being 
omitted. 

The discrepancies in the story of Mrs. Howe, as 
given by Col. Humphreys and herself, are astonishing. 
In the first place, there is a variance in the name of 
the fort in which she was made a prisoner ; but ad- 
mitting it may have been known under two different 
denominations, what explanation can be made for Col. 
Humphreys' saying — " The savages carried the fort, 
and murdered the greater part of the garrison ;" when, 
according to Mrs. Howe, " the7-e ivas no man in it, 
and only three women and their children," none of 
whom were murdered. 

The love affair of the young French officer, Sacca- 
pee, with the fair captive, as related by Col. Hum- 
phreys, turns out to be a real romance, founded on fact, 
to be sure, but ornamented with fictitious amplifica- 



as 

tions, usual and expected in such compositions, but of- 
fensive and inadmissible in historical narrative. 

But what is most astounding and unaccountable is, 
that Col. H. should say — " Business having made it 
necessary that Col. Schuyler should precede the pris- 
oners who were exchanged, he recommanded the fair 
captive to the protection of his friend Putnam." He 
then gives a minute account of the gallant manner in 
which Maj. Putnam executed his trust, in acts of kind- 
ness and civility to the widow and her children, in tra- 
versing " the swampy grounds and runs of water, with 
which their course was frequently intersected. And 
upon their arrival within the settlements, they expe- 
rienced a reciprocal regret at separation." Whereas, 
by Mrs. Howe's statement, no business required Col. 
Schuyler to precede her in the journey, whatever may 
have been the case in respect to the other exchanged 
prisoners. She, it may be presumed, wanted no time 
to prepare for her return ; and she says positively, that 
Col. Schuyler conducted her from Montreal to Albany. 
They came by water to the head of the lake, and then 
doubtless in some vehicle to Albany. 

Putnam, it is said, separated from his charge " upon 
their arrival within the settlements." This is very 
vague ; why not name the place at which the separa- 
tion took place ? And why should they discontinue 
their route together immediately on coming to a set- 
tlement ? This is not accounted for. If, moreover, Maj. 
Putnam had shown the civilities to Mrs. Howe, as stated, 
is it probable that she would have been so unthankful 
as not even to mention his name ; when she gratefully 
acknowledges the favors of others, particularly those 
of Col. Schuyler, who, by Humphreys' account, was 
not much more entitled to her thanks than Putnam ? 

There appear to be shocking mistakes in this whole 
matter ; and it will no doubt be conceded, that implicit 
confidence cannot be placed in the entire Essay of 
Col. Humphreys on the Life of Gen. Putnam. 

8 



86 



CHAPTER III. 

We now arrive at the period when the prowess of Britain, 
victorious alike by sea and by land, in the new and in the 
old world, had elevated that name to the zenith of national 
glory. The conquest of Quebec opened the way for the 
total reduction of Canada. On the side of the lakes, Am- 
herst having captured the posts of Ticonderoga and Crown 
Point, applied himself to strengthen the latter. Putnam, 
who had been raised to the rank of lieut. colonel, and pres- 
ent at these operations, was employed the remainder of this 
and some part of the succeeding season, in superintending 
the parties which were detached to procure timber and other 
materials for the fortification. 

In 1760, Gen. Amherst, a sagacious, humane, and expe- 
rienced commander, planned the termination of the war in 
Canada, by a bloodless conquest. For this purpose, three 
armies were destined to co-operate, by different routes, 
against Montreal, the only remaining place of strength the 
enemy held in that country. The corps formerly command- 
ed by Gen. Wolfe, now by Gen. Murray, was ordered to 
ascend the river St. Lawrence; another, under Col. Havi- 
land, to penetrate by the Isle Aux Noix ; and the third, con- 
sisting of about ten thousand men, commanded by the gene- 
ral himself, after passing up the Mohawk river, and taking 
its course by the lake Ontario, was to form a junction by 
falling down the St. Lawrence. In this progress, more than 
one occasion presented itself to manifest the intrepidity and 
soldiership of Lieut. Col. Putnam. Two armed vessels oh- 
structed the passage, and prevented the attack on Oswe- 
gatchie. Putnam, with one thousand men, in fifty batteaux, 
undertook to board them. This dauntless officer, ever spar- 
ing of the blood of others, as prodigal of his own, to accom- 



87 

plish it with the less loss, put himself, with a chosen crew, 
a beetle and wedges, in the van, with a design to wedge the 
rudders, so that the vessels should not be able to turn their 
broadsides, or perform any other manoeuvre. All the men 
in his little fleet were ordered to strip to their waistcoats, 
and advance at the same time. He promised, if he lived, to 
join and show them the way up the sides. Animated by so 
daring an example, [promised to be given,] they moved swift- 
ly, in profound stillness, as to certain victory or death. The 
people on board the ships, beholding the good countenance 
with which they approached, ran one of the vessels onshore, 
and struck the colors of the other. Had it not been for the 
dastardly conduct of the ship's company in the latter, who 
compelled the captain to haul down his ensign, he would 
have given the assailants a bloody reception : for the ves- 
sels were well provided with spars, nettings, and every cus- 
tomary instrument of annoyance as well as defence. 

It now remained to attack the fortress, which stood on an 
island, and seemed to have been rendered inaccessible by 
a high abattis of black ash, that everywhere projected over 
the water. Lieut. Col. Putnam proposed a mode of attack, 
and offered his services to carry it into effect. The general 
approved the proposal. Our partisan, accordingly, caused a 
sufficient number of boats to be fitted for the enterprise. 
The sides of each boat were surrounded with fascines, mus- 
ket proof, which covered the men completely. A wide 
plank, twenty feet in length, was then fitted to every boat in 
such manner, by having an angular piece sawed from one 
extremity, that, when fastened by ropes on both sides of the 
bow, it might be raised or lowered at pleasure. The design 
was, that the plank should be held erect while the oarsmen 
forced the bow with the utmost exertion against the abattis ; 
and that afterwards, being dropped on the pointed brush, it 
should serve as a kind of bridge to assist the men in passing 
over them. Lieut. Col. Putnam having made his disposi- 
tions to attempt the escalade in many places at the same 
moment, advanced with his boats in admirable order. The 
garrison perceiving these extraordinary and unexpected ma- 
chines, waited not the assault, but capitulated. Lieut. Col. 
Putnam was particularly honored by Gen. Amherst, for his 



ingenuity in lliis invention, and promptitude in its execution. 
The three armies arrived at Montreal within two days of 
each otlier ; and the conquest of Canada became complete 
Avithout the loss of a single drop of blood. 

Some of the speculations recorded in the biography 
of Gen. Putnam are actually too outre and absurd to 
admit of serious consideration. Such are the projects 
for capturing armed vessels, by first rendering their 
rudders useless by means of beetle and wedges ; and 
of scaling an abattis by boards fastened to the bow of 
row boats. The first could certainly not be effected, 
unless the crews of the vessels, including the sentinel, 
were asleep ; and as to the latter, an abattis erected on 
the bank of a river, for the protection of a fortifica- 
tion, would necessarily be some twelve or fifteen feet, 
at the top, above the boat on the river, and the troops 
to ascend it, would, therefore, have to walk the plank 
at an elevatioS probably of 90 degrees, no very easy 
task. 

Gen. Putnam seems to have been much addicted to 
waggery ; and his ignorant neighbors had swallowed 
with eagerness the relations of the marvelous incidents of 
his Ufe ; and finding, also, that his young aid-de-camp 
was equally credulous, he thought proper to entertain 
him in the same manner. It is not hkcly, however, 
that he expected the narratives would ever meet the 
public eye, in print. But after they were presented to 
the public and well received, he probably thought it 
would be as well to let them pass uncontradicted. 

Be this as it may, I am prepared to show, that the 
whole account of Gen. Amherst's expedition, here giv- 
en, is erroneous in every particular ; that no such pro- 
jects, as spoken of, were attempted, or contemplated to 
be put in execution ; that one of the French vessels in 
question, had accidentally ran aground in the river St. 
Lawrence, before the British entered it ; and that the 
other fought about four hours before surrendering, hav- 
ing twelve men killed, or wounded. 



89 

In ordinary cases, a passing remark only would be 
required, to expose the absurdity of the foregoing state- 
ments. But when a large portion of the public, which 
is always fond of the marvelous, appears disposed to 
believe whatever has, or may be said, of the prowess 
and extraordinary achievements of Gen, Putnam, it 
becomes necessary to set forth more particularly the 
fallacy upon which the pretensions are founded. I 
shall, therefore, quote, at considerable length, the ac- 
counts of the transactions in question, by two historians 
of the first respectability, the one American, the other 
English. The latter gives a minute detail of the cir- 
cumstances attending the capture of the French ves- 
sel, and of the investment of the fort at Isle Royal, and 
of its final surrender by capitulation. 

The first authority I shall cite is " The History of 
Connecticut, from 1630 to 1764. By Benjamin Trum- 
bull, D. D." 

"In June [1760,] the general [Amherst] commenced 
his march from Schenectady, with the main army, and 
proceeded by the Mohawk and Oneida rivers to Os- 
wego. 

" After a detachment had been sent foward to re- 
move obstructions in the river St. Lawrence, and to 
find the best place for tFie passage of the boats and 
vessels, the army embarked and passed the lake [On- 
tario] without any misfortune. The general receiving 
intelligence that one of the enemy's vessels was aground 
and disabled, and that another lay off La Gallette, de- 
termined, with the utmost dispatch, to go down the 
river and attack Oswegatchie and Isle Royal. 

" On the 17th of August, the row-galleys fell in with 
the French sloop commanded by M. de la Broquerie, 
who, after a sma?'t engagement, surrendered to the 
English galleys. The enemy retired with great pre- 
cipitation before the army, until it arrived in the neigh- 
borhood of Isle Royal. This was immediately so com- 
pletely invested, that the garrison had no means of es- 



90 

caping. By the 23d, two batteries were opened against 
the fort, and it was cannonaded by these, in concert 
with the row-galleys in the river. Dispositions having 
been made for a general attack, M. Pouchant, the com- 
mander, beat a parley, and surrendered the fort on 
terms of capitulation. 

" When the necessary preparations had been made, 
Gen. Amherst proceeded down the river." Vol. 2, p. 423. 

An abstract of Maj. Mante's account of the ex- 
pedition AGAINST Montreal. 

'• The necessary preparations having been made to 
bring the whole power of the British forces in North 
America against Montreal, in order to finish by its re- 
duction the war in that part of the world, and the sea- 
son being sufficiently advanced to enable Sir Jeffery 
Amherst, the commander-in-chief, to commence his part 
of the operations, he embarked at New York on the 
2d of May, 17G0, and proceeded to Schenectady. 
From thence, with part of his army, he pursued his 
route to Oswego, where he encamped on the 9th of Ju- 
ly. The remainder he ordered to follow witii the 
greatest diligence, under the command of Brigadier 
Gage. On the 14th, two vessels hove in sight on Lake 
Ontario, which pix)ved to be those that had been fitted 
out at Niagara, under the command of Capt. Loring. 
Boats were immediately dispatched to him with orders 
to look out for, and attack the French vessels cruising 
on the lake. On the 20th, two other vessels appeared, 
and proved to be the French vessels which had esca- 
ped Capt. Loring's vigilance. On the 22d, Brigadier 
Gage arrived with the rear of the army ; as did Sir 
William Johnson, on the 23d, with a party of Indians. 
On the 24th, the general received intelligence, that the 
French vessels had escaped into the river St. Law- 
rence, and that Capt. Loring was returning with the 
Onondaga of sixteen, and the Mohawk of eighteen six- 
pounders. 



91 

" On the 5th of August, the general ordered the army 
to be in readiness to embark. It amounted to 10,142 
effective men, officers included. The Indians under 
Sir William Johnson were 706. 

'' On the 7th, Capt. Loring sailed with his two ves- 
sels ; but having mistaken the channel from the lake to 
the river St. Lawrence, the army passed him, while he 
was endeavoring to extricate himself. On the 13th, 
the whole army gained the Point de Barril, in the 
neighborhood of the post called La Gallette, which Brig- 
adier Gage was ordered to destroy the preceding year. 
Here the enemy had a very good dock, in which they 
built their vessels. The grenadiers and light infantry, 
with the row-galleys, took post that day without halt- 
ing, at Oswegatchie, a few miles below the Point de 
Barril. 

" All this while, one of the enemy's vessels kept hov- 
ering about the army ; and, as Capt. Loring had not 
yet ^ot into the right channel, it became necessaiy. for 
the safety of the army, either to compel this vessel to 
retire, or to take her. [But one of the two vessels ap- 
pearing, is a confirmation of Dr. Tj'um bull's report, that 
one was aground and disabled.] The general was, 
therefore, obliged to order Col. Williamson, with the 
row-galleys, well manned, to do one or the othei'. On 
the 17th, the galleys advanced with the utmost intre- 
pidity, under a very heavy fire from the enemy ; but 
it did not in the least damp the ardor of the assailants ; 
their fire was returned with such resolution and brave- 
ry, that, after a severe contest of about four hours, the 
French vessel struck her colors. She mounted ten 
twelve-pounders ; and had on board one hundred men. 
twelve of whom were killed or wounded. Two of 
Col. Williamson's detachment were killed, and three 
wounded. The general immediately named the vessel 
the Williamson, in honor of the colonel, and to perpet- 
uate the memory of so gallant an action. The same 
dav the army proceeded to Oswegatchie, from whence 
4* 



Q2 

it was necessary to reconnoiter Isle Royal, so that it 
was noon the next day before the army could pro- 
ceed. 

" Fort Levi stood upon this island, which was other- 
wise strongly fortified. Though the reduction of Fort 
Levi could be of little service, merely as a fort, yet it 
was certainly of too much consequence to be lel't in 
the rear of an army ; besides, the number of pilots, per- 
fectly acquainted with the intricate navigation of the 
river St. Lawrence, which the taking of the garrison 
prisoners would afford, was alone a sufficient motive for 
attacking it. It was, therefore, invested that very eve- 
ning. Whilst the English were passing the point, the 
French kept up a very smart cannonade on them, and 
destroyed one of the row-galleys, and a few boats, and 
killed two. or three men; but notwithstanding this fire, 
and an uninterrupted continuance of it, the fort was so 
completely invested by the 20th, by the masterly dis- 
position of the troops, as to make it impossible for the 
garrison to escape. 

" Capt. Loring had arrived the day before with his 
two vessels, and the Williamson brig ; and the batte- 
ries being now ready, the general, on the 23d, deter- 
mined to assault the fort, that as little time as possible 
might be wasted on it. He, therefore, ordered the ves- 
sels to fall down the stream, post themselves as close 
to the fort as possible, and man their tops well, in or- 
der to fire upon the enemy, and prevent their making 
use of their guns ; wiiilst the grenadiers rowed in with 
theii' broadswords and tomahawks, fascines and scal- 
ing-ladders, [not a wide plank, twenty feet in length,'\ 
under cover of three hundred of the light infantry, who 
were to fire into the embrasures. The grenadiers re- 
ceived their orders with a cheerfulness that might be 
regarded as a sure omen of success ; and, with their 
usual alacrity, prepared for the attack, waiting in their 
shirts till the ships could take their proper stations. 
This the Williamson brig, commanded by Lieut. Sin- 



clair, and the Mohawk by Lieut. Phipps, soon did. But 
the Onondaga, in which was Capt. Loring, by some 
extraordinary blunder, ran aground. The enemy dis- 
covering her distress, pHed her with such unceasing- 
showers of great and small arms, that Capt. Loring 
thought proper to strike his colors, and sent Thornton, 
his master, on shore to the enemy, who endeavored to 
take possession of the vessel ; but by Col. Williamson's 
observing it, he turned upon them a battery, which 
obliged them to desist from the undertaking. The 
general then ordered Lieut. Sinclair, from the William- 
son brig, and Lieut. Pennington, with two detachments 
of grenadiers under their command, to take possession 
of the Onondaga ; and they obeyed their orders with 
such undaunted resolution, that the English colors were 
again hoisted on board her. But the vessel, after al), 
could not be got off; and was, therefore, abandoned 
about midnight. The English batteries, however, put 
a stop to any future attempt of the enemy to board 
her. Capt. Loring being wounded, was in the mean 
time sent ashore. This accident of the Onondaga's 
running aground, obliged the general to defer his plan 
of assault; but this delay proved rather a fortunate 
event, as it saved a good deal of blood ; for on the 
25th, M. Pouchot, the commandant, beat a parley, de- 
manding what terms he might expect ; to which no 
other answer was returned, than that the fort must be 
immediately given up, and the garrison surrendered 
prisoners of war ; and but ten minutes were given for a 
reply. These terms were received within the ten min- 
utes ; and Lieut. Col. Massey, with the grenadiers, im- 
mediately took possession of the place. The loss of 
the English before it, was twenty-one men killed, and 
nineteen wounded. The first shot from the English 
battery killed the French officer of artillery. Eleven 
more were killed afterwards, and about forty wounded. 
The garrison, all but the pilots, for the sake of whom 
chiefly the place had been attacked, were sent to New 



York ; and the general named the fort, Fort William 
Augustus. 

" Till the 30th, the army was employed in levelling 
the batteries, and repairing boats and rafts for the ar- 
tillery, which was now embarked with the necessary 
stores; and, on the 31st, the general, with the first di- 
vision of the army, embarked, and in the evening 
reached the lifie Aux-Chats, having passed the first 
rapids. * * * * 

" On the 4th of September, about noon, the van of 
the army entered the Cedar-falls ; and, for want of 
sufficient precaution, twenty-nine boats belonging to 
regiments, seventeen whaleboats, and one row galley, 
were dashed to pieces, with the loss of eighty-eight 
men. * * * On the 6th, the army embarked at 
La Chine, on the island of Montreal, about nine miles 
from the city ; which the general immediately marched 
to, and that night invested ; the French army having 
retired into it. The next day, the following letters 
[omitted] passed between the two generals, and ended 
in a capitulation, which was signed on the 8th of Sep- 
tember, 17G0." 

See also Marshall's Life of Washington, and Ma- 
cauley's History of the State of New York ; which 
concur with the foregoing. In none of these authorities 
do we hear any thing of Lieut. Col. Putnam, with his 
beetle and wedges, and ivide plank, twenty feet in length; 
which shows, that the story, as related by Humphreys, 
is a complete sham. Mr. Peabody follows him, giving 
full credit to the relation. 

Beetle and wedges, to be sure, might easily be manu- 
factured, but where were the planks to come from ? 
Surely the expedition was not incumbered with this 
material in anticipation of Col. Putnam's project. The 
whole affair appears to be a complete hoax ; and must 
have been intended by Putnam (if indeed he made to 
his biographer the communication as above stated) 
merely to test the extent of human credulity. 



Although a general peace among the European powers 
was ratified in 1763, yet the savages on our western frontiers 
still continued their hostilities. After they had taken several 
posts, Gen. Bradstreet was sent, in 1764, with an ai'rny, 
against them. Col. Putnam, then, for the first time, ap- 
pointed to the command of a regiment, was on the expedition. 

Upon the arrival of Gen. Bradstreet, the savages saw that 
all further etibrts, in arms, would be vain, and accordingly, 
after many fallacious proposals for a peace, and frequent 
tergiversations in the negotiation, they concluded a treaty, 
which ended the war in America. 

Col. Putnam, at the expiration of ten years from his first 
receiving a commission, after having seen as much service, 
endured as many hardships, encountered as many dangers, 
and acquii'ed as many laurels as any officer of his rank, with 
great satisfaction laid aside his uniform, and returned to his 
plough. 



96 



CHAPTER IV. 

The author, after bringing the career of Putnam in 
the Canadian war to a close, gives a brief history of the 
causes which produced the American revolution ; and 
observes : 

As Putnam happened to be often at Boston, he held many 
conversations, on these subjects, with Gen. Gage, the British 
commander-in-chief. Lord Percy, Col. Sheriff, Col. Small, 
and many officers with whom he had formerly served, who 
were now at the head-quarters. Being often questioned, 
" In case the dispute should proceed to hostilities, what part 
he would really take ?" he always answered, " With his 
country ; and that, let whatever might happen, he was pre- 
pared to abide the consequence." 

At length the fatal day arrived, when hostilities com- 
menced. Gen. Gage, in the evening of the 18th of April, 
177.5, detached from Boston the grenadiers and light infan- 
try of the army, commanded by Lieut. Col. Smith, to destroy 
some military and other stores deposited by the province at 
Concord, 

After giving a concise account of this affair, the au- 
thor proceeds : 

Nothing could exceed the celerity with which the intelli- 
gence flew everywhere, that blood had been shed by the 
British troops. The country, in motion, exhibited but one 
scene of hurry, preparation, and revenge. Putnam, who was 
ploughing when he heard the news, left his plough in the 
middle of the field, unyoked his team, and without waiting to 
change his clothes, set off for the theatre of action.* But 

* Col. Swett says : " On the lii'st news oC the battle of Lexington, Put- 
nam mounted his horse, rode in a single day one hundred mUes, arrived at 



97 

finding the British retreated to Boston, and invested by a 
sufficient force to watch their movements, he came back to 
Connecticut, levied a regiment, under authority of the legis- 
lature, and speedily returned to Cambridge. He was now 
promoted to be a major-general on the provincial staff, by 
his colony ; and, in a little time, confirmed by congress, in 
the same rank on the continental establishment. Gen. Ward, 
of Massachusetts, by common consent, commanded the whole ; 
and the celebrated Dr. Warren was made a major-general. 
Not long after this period, the British commander-in-chief 
found the means to convey a proposal, privately, to Gen. 
Putnam, that if he would relinquish the rebel party, he might 
rely upon being made a major-general on the British estab- 
lishment, and receiving a great pecuniary compensation for 
his services. Gen. Putnam spurned at the offer ; which, 
however, he thought prudent at that time to conceal from 
public notice. 

According to Mr. Peabody, Putnam " received from 
the assembly of Connecticut a commission as brigadier- 
general," — In a "History of Massachusetts, from 1764 
to July, 1775," by Alden Bradford, secretary of the 
commonwealth, (Boston, 1822.) in treating of the bat- 
tle of Bunker Hill, the author says : " Col. Israel Put- 
nam, of Connecticut, afterwards a major-general in the 
continental army, was on the field of action, towards 
the close of the engagement, but had no specific com- 
mand. The whole expedition was one of sudden un- 
dertaking ; and the only regular and distinct designation 
was that of Prescott, who had command of the troops 
which took possession of the ground on the evening of 
the 16th. His activity and courage would have done 
honor to the most celebrated veteran in the British 
army." (p. 386.) 

Mr. Bradford, from his situation, had the means of 



Cambridge, and attended a council of war on the 21st of April, when tlie 
parole was Putnam." — (Orderly book.) 

Professor Sparks, however, in his Lectures on History, says that. Put- 
nam, before leaving home, put on hxsmUitary coat. But this, 1 believe, re- 
mains a mooted question. 

9 



98 

acquiring the most accurate information of this matter ; 
and, in fact, all the circumstances related by the various 
writers on the subject lead to the conclusion to which 
he arrives. Mr. Peabody, however, endeavors to palm 
Gen. Putnam upon the public as the chief in this glori- 
ous action, so honorable to the man who actually com- 
manded, and his brave associates who fought the battle. 
He says ; " We have thus far refrained from saying 
any thing of the "particular command allotted to Putnam 
on this occasion. In the work to which we have just 
referred, [Col. Swett's Sketch of the battle of Bunker 
Hill,] he is mentioned as having the general control and 
superintendence of the expedition ; and this opinion is 
supported by the following considerations. He was 
the only general officer who was present at the battle ; 
and it is very improbable that the various detachments 
should have been left without a commander of the 
whole. He appears to have acted, throughout the 
battle and the previous arrangements for it, in this ca- 
pacity. Such was the purport of his own constant de- 
clarations.''^ Does his quitting the seat of action in 
the heat of battle, and making repeated visits to Cam- 
bridge, as asserted by Mr. Swett, to drum up reinforce- 
ments, accord with the duties of a commander ? Would 
he not depute another officer for such service, for fear 
the battle might be lost for want of his presence. The 
absurdity of foisting him into the command is too glar- 
ing for argument. Gen. Putnam insinuated nothing of 
the kind to his biographer, Humphreys. All that is 
pretended, according to him, is that — '* In this battle, 
\\\e presence and example oi Gqx\. Putnam, who arrived 
with the reinforcement, were not less conspicuous than 
useful" After the death of the general, his friends 
have undertaken to embellish his acts with facts that 
never occurred. Besides, he was not " the only gene- 
ral officer present at the battle." Gen. Warren was 
also, present, and fought bravely ; but neither of them 
had received orders to repair to the field of action ; 



99 

they were both volunteers, and consequently had no 
command. I find, however, after writing the above, 
that Mr. Bradford is mistaken in regard to the rank 
Putnam held at the time as a provincial officer. He 
had been recently appointed second brigadier-genei'al ; 
but being soon after made a major-general in the con- 
tinental army, his title of brigadier was merged in that 
of major, and his occupancy of the former was proba- 
bly little known. 

The following document settles this question : 

Office of Secretary of State, ) 
Hartford, Ct., Sept. 16, 1842. \ 

Dear sir: — Your letter of the 21st ult., requesting 
information in relation to the rank held by Gen. Put- 
nam, at the time of the battle of Bunker Hill, was duly 
received, and I regret that absence and other circum- 
stances have hitherto prevented my earlier attention 
to the subject. 

From a careful and thorough examination of the rec- 
ords of this (then) colony, as well as the records of the 
" Council of Safety" and of the " Pay-Table Office," I 
am enabled to say that the following statement com- 
prises all the material facts appearing on these records 
in relation to this inquiry. 

Previous to April, 1775, Gen. Putnam held the rank 
of lieutenant-colonel of a regiment of militia, to which 
office he was appointed in October, 1774. 

At a special session of the General Assembly, held 
in the month of April, 1775, a public act was passed, 
directing that six regiments "^be forthwith raised by 
enlistment, to continue in service for a term not ex- 
ceeding seven months," and to be commanded by "one 
major-general, assisted by two brigadier generals, — 
each of which general officers shall take the command 
of a 7'egiment as colonel." The regiments consisted of 
ten companies of one hundred men each. 

At the same session, to wit, April, 1775, appoint- 



wo 

ments were made of all the officers of this corps, among 
which are the following : 

" This Assembly do appoint David Wooster, Esq^ to be major- 
general. 

" This Assembly do appomt Joseph Spencer, Esq., to be brig- 
adier-general. 

" This Assembly do appoint Israel Putnam, Esq., to be second 
brigadier-general." 

"3d REGIMENT. 

This Assembly do appoint Israel Putnam, Esq., to be" 

colonel of the 3d regiment, and captain . . . Of the 1st 
Jonathan Kingsley, 1st lieutenant . . . / comp'y, 
Thomas Grosvenor, 2d lieutenant ... 3d reg't." 
Elijah Loomis, ensign J 

Each of the other general officers received a similar 
appointment to command a regiment and company. 
Probably this was the general practice in this state at 
that time. 

I have been thus particular, that you might readily 
see the probable cause of the different statements made 
concerning the military rank of Gen. Putnam, at the 
engagement on Bunker Hill. He was a brigadier-gen- 
eral at the time ; but as he also commanded the 3d 
regiment, which he is supposed to have led into the en- 
gagement, it has erroneously been supposed by some 
persons that his rank was only that of a colonel. 

I might add, that Gen. Putnam never had from this 
state the appointment of major-general : that rank he 
had from the continental congress, as you are doubt- 
less aware, soon after the battle of Bunker Hill. 
I am, &c., 

. Noah A. Phelps, 

Secretary of State. 

To John Fellows, Esa., New York. 

t . 

Putnam was appointed a major-general by the con- 
gress before the battle of Bunker Hill, but had no no- 
tice of it till the 2d of July, when he received the com- 
mission. The supposition that " Putnam led his regi- 



101 

ment into the engagement" is erroneous. One hundred 
and twenty of his regiment, says Col. Swett, were de- 
tached for this service, and put under the comojand of 
Col. Prescott. 

It is seen by the foregoing that Putnam, a second 
brigadier-general in the Connecticut establishment, is 
advanced, by the continental congress, over the heads 
of two generals of superior rank in the same province. 
And it will appear hereafter, that this arose from the 
supposed heroic conduct of the former in a skirmish at 
Hog and Noddle islands, in which he took no part, not 
being on either of these islands at the time of its occur- 
rence, but on the main, probably over a mile from the 
scene of action. 

In regard to the attempt made by the British com- 
mander to detach Gen. Putnam from the American 
cause. Col. Swett, upon what authority he does not in- 
form us, states it to have taken place after the battle of 
Bunker Hill, and the proposal to come from Sir Wil- 
liam Howe ; whereas, according to Col. Humphreys, 
who had the best means of obtaining correct information, 
it occurred during the command of Gen. Gage, the old 
acquaintance of Putnam. Sir William Howe did not 
arrive at Boston till September. 

But will it be credited, that either of those generals 
would have presumed to recommend to their govern- 
ment the appointment of Putnam to the rank of major- 
general over their own generals, so much his superior 
in education and talents ? That a pecuniary reward 
was offered for his treachery, cannot be doubted. But 
why was it thought proper to keep this matter a secret 
at the time ; the-sure means, when known, to create a 
suspicion of an understanding between the parties ? A 
similar attempt was made to tamper with Gen. Charles 
Lee ; and the following statement shows the prudent 
course he adopted upon the occasion. 

Gen. Burgoyne and Gen. Lee had served together 
in Portugal, and an intimate friendship of long standing 

9* 



102 

subsisted between them. When the former arrived at 
Boston, Gen. Lee wrote a letter to his friend, filled with 
invective against the British court and cabinet, setting 
forth the injustice of their proceedings in regard to the 
colonies. This letter was received in good part, and 
answered by Gen- Burgoyne in terms of courtesy, on 
the 8th of July, after it was known to him that Gen. 
Lee had joined the American camp. In closing his 
letter, he proposed an interview with his friend at 
Brown's house, on Boston Neck, a little within the 
British advanced sentries, pledging his parole of honor 
for the saib return of Gen. Lee, and soliciting the same 
for himseli. This invitation Gen. Lee was inclined to 
accept ; but, not choosing to do it without the sanction 
of the civil authority, he laid the matter before the pro- 
vincial congress of Massachusetts, saying : " If they 
approve it, he must request that they will depute some 
one gentleman of their body to accompany him, and 
be witness to the conversation." To which the con- 
gress answered : 

" Sir, — The congress have perused the letter from 
Gen. Burgoyne, which you were kind enough to sub- 
mit to their inspection. They can have no objection 
to the proposed interview, from any want of the high- 
est confidence in the wisdom, discretion, and integrity 
of Gen. Lee ; but, as the confidence of the people in 
their generals is so essentially necessary to the well- 
conducting of the enterprise in which we are engaged, 
and as a people contending for their liberties are natu- 
rally disposed to jealousy, and not inclined to make the 
most favorable construction of the motives of conduct, 
which they are not fully acquainted with, they beg 
leave to suggest whether such an interview might 
not have a tendency to lessen the influence, which the 
congress would wish to extend to the utmost of their 
power to facilitate the operations of war. The con- 
gress, agreeably to your request, and to prevent as far 
as we are able any disagreeable consequences, which 



103 

may arise from the jealousy of the people on such an 
occasion, have appointed Mr. Elbridge Gerry to attend 
you at the proposed interview, if you shall think proper 
to proceed in it; and, as they do not think themselves 
authorized to counteract the general's inclination, they 
would submit it to his opinion whether the advice of a 
council of war might not be taken in a matter of such 
apparent deUcacy." (MS. Journal, July 10th.) 

These hints had their effect on the mind of Gen. Lee, 
and he wrote a complimentary note to Gen. Burgoyne, 
the next day, declining the interview. (Sparks' Wash- 
ington, vol. 3, p. 498.) 

The first attention had been prudently directed towards 
forming some little redoubts and intrenchments ; for it was 
well known that lines, however slight or untenable, were 
calculated to inspire raw soldiers with a confidence in them- 
selves. The next care was to bring the live-stock from tlie 
islands in Boston bay, in order to prevent the enemy (al- 
ready surrounded by land) from making use of them for 
fresh provisions. In the latter end of May, between two 
and three hundred men were sent to drive off" the stock from 
Hog and Noddle islands, M'hich are situated on the north- 
east side of Boston harbor. Advantage having been taken 
of the ebb-tide, when the water is fordable between the mair» 
and Hog island, as it is between that and Noddle island, the 
design was effected. But a skirmish ensued, in which some 
of the marines, who had been stationed to guard them, were 
killed : and as the firing continued between the British 
water-craft and our party, a reinforcement of three hundred 
men, with two pieces of artillery, was ordered to join the 
latter. Gen. Putnam took the command, and having himself 
gone down on the beach, within conversing distance, and in- 
effectually ordered the people on board an armed schooner to 
.strike, he plied her with shot so furiously that the crew- 
made their escape, and the vessel was burnt. An armed 
sloop was likewise so much disabled as to be towed off" by 
t'ic boats of the fleet. Thus ended this affair, in which 
several hundred sheep and some cattle were removed from 
under the muzzles of the enemy's cannon, and our men, ac- 



104 

customed to stand fire, by being for many hours exposed to it, 
without meeting with any loss. 

Here we have a like bungling story, a facsimile of 
that related above respecting the two French vessels 
on the river St. Lawrence. In the present case, one 
of the vessels in question ran aground in the night, and 
was consequently abandoned, but not on account of 
the battering received by Putnam's cannonade ; nor 
was any other vessel so much disabled, through the 
same means, as to be towed off by the boats of the 
Jleet, as here stated. In fact, it is incredible that a 
party of militia, with two pieces of artillery, without 
any cover, at hailing distance from two armed vessels, 
could accomplish the feats pretended. Nothing but 
enchantment or witchcraft could have produced such 
a result. A broadside fire from one of the vessels 
would have caused terrible havoc among three hundred 
men thus situated. But fortunately for them, they 
were not in reach of the cannon of those vessels, which 
were at Hog or Noddle island. 

The manner in which this story is related shows it to 
be deceptive. A party of three hundred men are order- 
ed on a particular service, without designating the offi- 
cer who should take command of them, and in default 
thereof, Putnam assumes it. Neither are the men who 
were to compose this detachment pointed out. Did 
this pretended reinforcement 'fulfil the orders it is said 
to have received, to join the party employed in remov- 
ing tlie cattle, &c., from the islands mentioned? By 
no means. They went down to the beach, and made 
some bluster and noise, by firing two pieces of artille- 
ry, probably towards the islands. No reinforcement 
appears to have been necessary, a sufficient number of 
men having been sent in the first instance for the pur- 
pose intended, who executed their mission as required. 

It is not difficult to account for the origin of this no- 
table affair of the y^ein for cement. The people in the 
neighborhood of those islands, hearing the roar of can- 



105 

non, ran down to the beach, from mere curiosity, to 
ascertain the cause ; and, at the suggestion of some- 
body, two field-pieces were procured, and occasionally 
fired, in defiance of the enemy, but without doing harm 
to any one ; nor were they in a situation to be injured 
themselves, as the result proved. Gen. Putnam cun- 
ningly claimed the command of this redoubtable party, 
which nobody disputed, for no one knew who com- 
manded, or that there was any commander at all. And 
that there could not have been any regular command, 
is evident from the nature of the case. It must have 
been a helter-skelter assemblage of men and boys, 
brought together from the cause above stated ; and 
which could not, by reason of its composition, be re- 
duced to order ; nor was it necessary, for they had 
nothing to do requiring concert of action. 

After all, the whole of this aflfair was but a small 
matter, a mere skirmish. Neither Gordon nor Mar- 
shall take any notice of it. 

Paul Allen, however, in his history of the revolution, 
instead of giving to Putnam the command of the rein- 
forcement, pretended to have been ordered, which was 
all that Putnain claimed, and which advanced, by his 
own account, no further than to the beach on the main, 
transfers him to the command of the militia on Hog 
and Noddle islands ; thinking, perhaps, the command, 
assumed by him, not of sufficient consequence for the 
general. In other respects, the statement of Mr. Allen 
bears the impress of authenticity. He says : 

" Various parties of militia, under the orders of the 
provincial congress, had been engaged in frequent skir- 
mishes with the British foraging parties from Boston. 
It was considered as a matter of great importance 
that the British should be deprived of the supplies of 
stock and other articles of provision, w^hich abounded 
on the islands in Boston harbor. For this purpose 
Gen. Putnam with a party of six hundred men, in their 
attempts to bring oflT the stock and destroy the hay on 



106 

one of the islands, were opposed by a party of marines 
from Boston, who were supported by several armed 
vessels and barges. A warm action commenced, which 
continued through the whole of a dark night ; and one 
of the vessels r'unning aground, the British in the 
morning were compelled to abandon her, and make 
their escape." 

Mr. Allen shows that the contention for the stock, 
&c., on the islands in Boston harbor, was between the 
British troops and the Massachusetts militia, acting 
under the orders of their provincial congress. This 
was before any continental army had been put into a 
state of organization, Putnam had just arrived at 
Cambridge from Connecticut, and is it probable that 
the militia of Massachusetts would be immediately put 
under his command ? 

The late Gen. Dearborn informed an acquaintance 
of the writer, that he was with the party, about five 
hundred men, who were engaged on the memorable 
occasion in question ; that they were on the islands a 
day and a half; that skirmishing was kept up almost 
the whole time, and that he then thought the fighting, 
it being his first essay, most tremendous. It turned 
out, however, he said, not so terrible as he had imagined, 
the Americans having only one man killed, and three 
wounded. He saw Putnam on the beach, as the party 
were passing over to the islands. 

Out of this mighty affair, Gen. Putnam contrived to 
create a large capital ; for, by means of it, he was made 
a major-general. It was immediately bruited about 
the country, by whoso instrumentality may easily be 
imagined, that Putnam was the hero of that renowned, 
eventful day, and that his bravery and skill in military 
affairs were unsurpassed. The congress thereupon ap- 
pointed him a major-general in the continental service, 
as the following letter shows : 

Extract of a letter from Roger Sherman to Gen. Da- 
vid Wooster, dated Philadelphia, June 23, 1775 : 



107 

" Dear sir, — The congress, having determined it ne- 
cessary to keep up an army lor the defence of Ameri- 
ca at the charge of the united colonies, have appointed 
the following general officers : George Washington, 
Esq., commander-in-chief; major-generals, Wai'd, Lee, 
Schuyler, and Putnam ; brigadier-generals, Pomeroy, 
Montgomery, yourself. Heath, Spencer, Thomas, Sul- 
livan, of New Hampshire, and one Green, of Rhode 
Island. I am sensible that, according to your former 
rank, you were entitled to the place of a major-gene- 
ral ; and as one was to be appointed in Connecticut, I 
heartily recommended you to the congress. I inform- 
ed them of the arrangement ynade by our assembly, 
which I thought would be satisfactory to have them 
continued in the same order. But as Gen. Putnam's 
fame was spread abroad, and especially his successful 
enterprise at Noddle's island, the account of which had 
just arrived, it gave him the preference in the opinion 
of the delegates in general, so that his appointment 
was unanimous among the colonies ; but, from your 
known abilities and firm attachment to the American 
cause, we were very desirous of your continuance in 
the army, and hope you will accept of the appointment 
made by the congress. I suppose a commission is sent 
to you by Gen. Washington." (Davis's Mem. A. Burr, 
vol. 1, p. 59.) 

The reception of Putnam's appointment by the offi- 
cers of the army, and its consequences, are set forth in 
the following letter from the commander-in-chief: 

Extract of a letter from Gen. Washington to the 
president of congress : 

" Camp at Cambridge, 10th of July, 1775. 

" I am very sorry to observe, that the appointment 
of general officers, in the provinces of Massachusetts 
and Connecticut, has not corresponded with the wishes 
and judgment of either the civil or military. The great 
dissatisfaction expressed on this subject, and the appa- 



108 

rent danger of throwing the whole army into the utmost 
disorder, together with the strong representations made 
by the provincial congress, have induced me to retain 
the commissions in my hands until the pleasure of the 
continental congress should be further known ; except 
Gen. Putnam's, which was given the day I came to the 
camp, [July 2d,] and before I was apprised of these dis- 
gusts. In such a step, I must beg the congress will do 
me the justice to believe that I have been actuated 
solely by a regard to the public good. 

" I have not, nor could I have, any private attach- 
ments ; every gentleman in appointment was a stranger 
to me, but from character. I must, therefore, rely upon 
the candor and indulgence of congress for their most 
favorable construction of my conduct in this particular. 
Gen. Spencer's disgust was so great at Gen. Putnam's- 
pi'omotion, that he left the army without visiting me, 
or making known his intention in any respect." (Sparks' 
Washington, v. iii. p. 17.) 

The provincial generals having received advice that the 
British commander-in-chief designed to take possession of the 
heights on the peninsula of Charlestown, detached a thousand 
men in the night of the 16th of June, under the orders of 
Gen. Warren, to intrench themselves upon one of these emi- 
nences, named Bunker Hill. 

It is strange that Col. Humphreys, the aid-de-camp 
of Gen. Putnam, and afterwards of Gen. Washington, 
should not have known that Gen. Warren had no com- 
mand on this eventful occasion. The author, after 
giving a short account of the conflict which ensued on 
the 17th, observes : 

In this battle, the presence and example of Gen. Putnam, 
who arrived with the reinforcement., were not less conspicuous 
than useful. He did every thing that an intrepid and expe- 
rienced officer could accomplish. The enemy pursued to 
Winter Hill — Putnam made a stand, and drove them back 
imder cover of their ships. 



109 

It. is, however, affirmed, and I believe fully proved, 
as will hereafter appear, that Gen. Putnam's presence 
and example, upon the occasion, was not on the battle 
field, at Breed's Hill, but at Bunker Hill proper, among 
those who took no part in the contest. Putnam's rein- 
forcements, unfortunately, never came into action. That 
" he did every thing that an intrepid and experienced 
officer could accomplish," means nothing, — specification 
is wanting ; and, that he drove the British from Winter 
Hill, under cover of their ships, is decidedly untrue. 

" On the retreat from Bunker Hill, our troops took 
post upon the heights in the neighborhood ; the regi- 
ment of Stark on Winter Hill. The night succeeding 
the battle and the following day were passed in the la- 
bor of intrenching; but the experience of the 19th of 
April and the 17th of June deterred the British troops 
from any repetition of the attempt to penetrate into the 
interior, in this portion of the country." (Everett's Life 
of Stark, p. 6.5.) 

Indeed, the editor of the edition of 1818 of Hum- 
phreys' Life of Putnam, acknowledges the error, stating, 
that " there was no pursuit of the British .be3^ond Bun- 
ker Hill." 

The premature death of Wan*en, one of the most illustri- 
ous patriots that ever bled in the cause of freedom ; the vete- 
ran appearance of Putnam, collected, yet ardent in action ; 
together with the astonishing scenery and interesting groupe 
around Bunker Hill, rendered this a magnificent subject for 
the historic pencil. Accordingly Trumbull, formerly an 
aid-de-camp to Gen. Washington, afterwards deputy-adju- 
tant-general of the northern army, now an artist of great 
celebrity in Europe, hath finished this picture with that bold- 
ness of conception, and those touches of art which demon- 
strate the master. Heightened in horror by the frames of a 
burning town, and the smoke of conflicting armies, the prin- 
cipal scene, taken the moment when Warren fell, represents 
that hero in the agonies of death, a grenadier on the point of 
bayoneting him, and Col. Small, to whom he was familiarly 
known, arresting the soldier's arms ; at the head of the Brit- 

10 



no 

ish line, Maj. Pitcairne is seen falling dead into the arms 
of his son ; and not far distant Gen. Putnam is placed at the 
rear of our retreating troops, in the light-blue and scarlet 
uniform he wore that day, with his head uncovered, and his 
sword waving towards the enemy, as it were to stop their 
impetuous pursuit. In nearly the same attitude he is exhib- 
ited by Barlow in that excellent poem, the Vision of Colum- 
bus, 

' There strides bold Putnam, and from all the plains 
Calls the third host, the tardy rear sustains, 
* And, 'mid the whizzing deaths that fill the air, 
Waves back his sword, and dares the foll'wing war.' " 

The painter has here evidently taken his cue in part 
from the poet But whether Gen. Puftiam had taken 
any part in the action or not, to exhibit him in this 
blustering, gasconading attitude, when retiring from 
the enemy, does not, in my opinion, redound to his 
credit, nor to the good taste of either the writer or the 
artist, notwithstanding their acknowledged superior 
merits. 

The manner in which this picture was concocted is 
singular, and worthy of notice. Col. Trumbull, it seems, 
had almost completed a painting of this battle, when he 
unfortunately met with Col. Small of the British army, 
who advised him to change his plan, under a pretence 
that justice had not been done to his (Small's) friend, 
as he called him. Gen. Putnam. The alteration pro- 
posed, by the way, gave Small himself a most conspi- 
cuous and honorable position. As it introduced a very 
imposing figure into the group, tending to render the 
painting popular. Col. Trumbull, perhaps, the more 
readily adopted the suggestion, and thereby spoiled his 
picture, by reason of its giving a false historical repre- 
sentation. 

The agency of Col. Small in this matter would seein 
to have remained secret till 1818, when the action of 
Putnam at the Bimker Hill battle became a subject of 
controversy. This drew from Col. Trumbull the fol- 



in 

lowing communication, addressed to Col. Daniel Put- 
nam, son of the general : 

In the summer of 1786 I became acquainted in London 
with Col. John Small, of the British army, who had served 
in America many years, and had Itnown Gen. Putnam inti- 
mately during the war of Canada from 1756 to 1763. From 
him, I had the two following anecdotes respecting the battle 
of Bunker Hill ; I shall nearly repeat his words ; looking 
at the picture which I had almost completed, he said : " I do 
not like the situation in which you have placed my old friend 
Putnam ; you have not done him justice. I wish you would 
alter that part of your picture, and introduce a circumstance 
which actually happened, and which I can never forget. 
When the British troops advanced the second time to the at- 
tack of the redoubt, I, with other officers, was in front of the 
line to encourage the men ; we had advanced very near the 
works undisturbed, when an irregular fire, like a feu-de-joie, 
was poured in upon us ; it was cruelly fatal. The troops 
fell back, and when I looked to the right and left, I saw not 
one officer standing ; I glanced my eye to the enemy, and 
saw several young men levelling their pieces at me ; I knew 
their excellence as marksmen, and considered myself gone. 
At that moment my old friend Putnam rushed forward, and 
striking up the muzzles of their pieces with his sword, cried 
out — ' For God's sake, my lads, don't fire at that man — I 
love him as I do my brother.' We were so near each other 
that I heard his words distinctly. He was obeyed ; I bowed, 
thanked him, and walked away unmolested." 

The other anecdote relates to the death of Gen. War- 
ren : 

At the moment when the troops succeeded in carrying the 
redoubt, and the Americans were in full retreat, Gen. Howe, 
(who had been hurt by a spent ball which bruised his ankle) 
was leaning on my arm. He called suddenly to me : " Do 
you see that elegant young man who has just fallen ? Do you 
know him ?" Hooked to the spot towards which he pointed — 
" Good God, sir, I believe it is my friend Warren." " Leave 
me then instantly — run — keep off the troops, save him if pos- 
sible." I flew to the spot : " My dear friend," I said to him, 
"1 hope you are not badly hurt j" he looked up, seemed to 



112 

recollect me, smiled, and died ! a musket ball had passed 
through the upper part of his head. 

John Trumbull. 
Daniel Putnam, esq. 

If the first anecdote here narrated were true, it would 
cast an indelible stahi upon the character of Gen. Put- 
nam. There was neither humanity nor patriotism ex- 
hibited in the act, but the reverse of both. What ! an 
American officer, from private friendship, gi'ant such 
favor to an enemy on the field of battle, as to put to 
liazard the vital interests of his country, its liberty ! 
►Such a course might have been the means of sacrificing 
the lives of many Americans, and even of turning the 
scale of victory in favor of the enemy. Why was not 
this man ordered to surrender, and thereby save his 
life ? He is permitted to loalk away unmolested, again 
to rally his troops and make another onset ; which, ac- 
cording to the story, he did, and was successful. 

•But I believe it will appear evident, in the sequel, 
that both these reports are unfounded. In the first 
place, that Putnam was not personally engaged in the 
battle ; and, in the second place, that Warren fell out 
of view of any British officer. 

Col. Swett adopts both these anecdotes ; and, after 
giving that respecting Small's being suffisred to escape, 
says : " The general's humane and chivalrojis generosity 
excited in them [those who had leveled their muskets 
at Col. Small] new admiration, and his friend retired 
unhurt." 

As I Ipok upon this statement to be an absolute fraud, 
and, therefore, that no information was derived from 
those engaged in tlie battle, I must suppose the writer 
to have anticipated what he thought would naturally 
follow in such case, a liberty often taken by historians. 
But as to this, I beg leave to differ with him. I believe 
the brave men who took part in that memorable con- 
test had too much self-respect to applaud such mawk- 
ish civility to a British officer, at the imminent risk of 



113 

their own lives, as well as that of the cause of their 
country. The occasion was too critical to admit the 
exercise of chivalrous acts towards the enemy, and 
thereby hazard the loss of the battle.* 

Mr. Peabody gives credit to the story, in regard to 
the favor shown to Small, but is silent on that of his 
pretended attempt to save the life of Gen. Warren. — 
If the former of these anecdotes were true, would not 
Gen. Putnam have been apt to inform his biographer 
of the circumstance ? And would not such kindness 
and generosity, of which we hear so much in the Life 
of Putnam, been blazoned forth to the world in capitals? 
Would not those whose pieces were thus striken up, as well 
as others who must have seen the transaction, have been 
likely to tell the story ? Was there none but Col. Small 
who would venture to relate it ? What was the length 
of Putnam's sword ? and how many muskets could he 
have struck up ? for there must have been many point- 
ed at Small, he being the only man left standing of the 
enemy, in that particular location of the action. The 
difficulties of giving these anecdotes any thing like the 
appearance of reality are insurmountable. The one 
seems to have been formed for the benefit of Gen. Put- 
nam, and the other, to be dovetailed into it, in order. to 
make out a neat romantic affair, and give a quid pro, 
quo, for the benefit of Col. Small ; and thereby furnish 
a good subject for the painter. 

The controversy respecting the conduct of Gen. 
Putnam, at the battle of Bunker Hill, appears to have 
originated principally from an article on that battle, 
written by the late Gen. Dearborn, and published in 
1818 ; although there were other accounts of the bat- 

* An instance of gallantry of this kind happened in a battle, in the penin- 
sula of Spain, in the time of the French revolutionary war. Two officers, 
a Frenchman and an Eng^lishman, came in contact, and the former had 
raised his sword to cut down his adversary, when perceiving him ta be 
unarmed, having but one hand, with which he guided his horse, the 
Frenchman bowed very civilly, and passed him by. The English, how- 
ever, gained the victory, and, perhaps, the one-armed ofhcer was very in- 
strumental in producing the result. 

10* 



114 

tie, written previously, by general officers of the revo- 
lutionary army, which censure Gen. Putnam for his 
delinquency on that memorable occasion. 
• Gen. Dearborn, I understand, kept a record of his 
military life, noting such occurrences of importance as 
came under his observation. This record, of course, 
contained an account of Bunker Hill battle, where he 
commanded a company, in Col. John Stark's regiment. 
This account, it seems, was abstracted from the jour- 
nal, and first appeared in a periodical, entitled the Port 
Folio, published at Philadelphia. This brought for- 
ward Col. Daniel Putnam, son of Gen. Putnam, with a 
counter statement, endeavoring to prove Gen. Dear- 
born's account incorrect. At length the dispute took a 
political party complexion, abuse was substituted for 
reason, and truth no longer considered essential to the 
support of argument. The cause that gave this turn 
to the controversy will hereafter be explained. 

This article of Gen. Dearborn, with testimony ad- 
duced in its support, including extracts from the writ- 
ings of others on the same subject, were printed in a 
pamphlet form, at Portland, N. H., in 1835, entitled, A 
History of the Battle of Breed's Hill. From this pub- 
lication I propose to extract such portion as may be 
immediately applicable to the investigation I have un- 
dertaken. 

Having introduced the communication of Col. Small, 
I will, in the first place, copy two documents on that 
subject. That of Capt. Trevett goes to show the im- 
probability, at least, that any intimacy existed between 
Putnam and Small. He says : 

I commanded a compan/ of artillery from the town of 
Marblehead, attached to Col. Richard Gridley's regiment, 
stationed at Cambridge. About one o'clock in the afternoon 
of the 17th of June, 177.5, I left Cambridge with my com- 
pany, for Bunker Hill. When about a quarter of a mile 
from the colleges, I saw Gen. Putnam pass upon a horse to- 
wards the town of Cambridge, and in fifteen or twenty rnin- 



115 

utes I saw him pass in like manner towards Charlestown. 
When I arrived at Bunker Hill, oft the northwest side, I 
there saw Gen. Putnam dismounted, in company with seve- 
ral others. I halted my company, and went forward to se- 
lect a station for my pieces, and on my return, saw Gen. 
Putnam as before ; the American and English forces being 
then engaged. T proceeded on with my company, and soon 
after joined that part of the American force at the rail fence, 
towards Mystic river, Avhen the Americans commenced a 
general retreat. As I was descending the northwest side 
of Bunker Hill, I again saw Gen, Putnam in the same 
place, putting his tent upon his horse. I asked him where 
I should retreat with the field-piece I had brought off: he 
replied, to Cambridge, and I accordingly marched my com- 
pany to Cambridge. 

In the month of May or June, 1795, being in the island 
of Guernsey, I had odcasion in the course of business to call 
upon Maj. (alias Col.) Small, the governor. After closing 
my business with him, he remarked that my countenance 
was not new to him, and inquired where he had seen me. 
I replied, that it must have been at Col. Ingersoll's tavern 
in Boston — and that I had once been opposed to him in ac- 
tion. He immediately entered into a free and general con- 
versation on the battle of Bunker Hill, — but he made no in- 
quiry after Gen. Putnam, nor did he in any way, either di- 
rectly or indirectly, allude to him, either as a friend or an 
officer. 

Sabiuel R. Trevett. 

Boston, June 2, 1818. 

The testinaony of Deacon Samuel Lawrence is di- 
rectly in point, and puts this matter, so far as respects 
the death of Gen. Warren, at rest, beyond all cavil or 
controversy. And Col. Small's account of it, being 
thus proved to be at variance with fact, gives us a right 
to conclude his other anecdote to be alike unfounded. 
The deacon says : 

I, Samuel Lawrence, of Groton, testify, that I was at the 
battle of Bunker Hill, in Col. William Prescott's regiment; 
that I marched with the regiment to the point on Breed's 



116 

Hill, which was fixed on for a redoubt ; that I assisted in 
throwing up the work, and in forming a redoubt, under CoL 
Prescott, who directed the whole of this operation. The 
work was begun about nine o'clock in the evening of June 
16, 1775. I was there the whole time, and continued in 
the redoubt, or in the little fort, during the whole battle un- 
til the enemy came in and a retreat was ordered. 

Gen. Putnam was not present ekher while the works were 
erecting, or during the battle. I could distinctly see the 
rail fence and the troops stationed there during the battle, 
but Gen. Putnam was not present as I saw. Just before 
the battle commenced. Gen. Warren came to the redoubt. 
He had on a blue coat, white waistcoat, and I think a cock- 
ed hat, but of this I am not certain — Coll Prescott advanced 
to him, said he was glad to see him, and hoped he would 
take the command. Gen. Warren replied, " No, he came 
to see the action, but not to take comniand ; that he was on- 
ly a volunteer on that day." Afterwards I saw Gen. War- 
ren shot ; I sato him when the ball struck him, and from that 
time until he expired. No British officer was within forty or 
ffty rods of him, from the time the ball struck him until I saia 
he was dead. 

Samuel Lawrence. 

Sworn to before Samuel Dana, Justice of the Peace, &c. 

Extracts from the History of the Battle of Breed's 
Hill, above mentioned. 

Memoirs of Maj. Gen. William Heath, (1798.) 
Perhaps there never was a better fought battle than this, 
[of Bunker Hill,] all things considered ; and too much 
praise can never be bestowed on the conduct of Col. Wil- 
liam Prescott, who, notwithstanding any thing that may have 
been said, was the proper commanding officer, at the redoubt, 
and nobly acted his part as such, during the whole action. 

Just before the action began. Gen. Putnam came to the 
redoubt, and told Col. Prescott that the intrenching tools 
must be sent off, or they ujould be lost; the colonel replied, 
that if he sent any of the men away with the tools, not one 
of them would return ; to this the general answered, they 
shall every man return. A large party was then sent off 



117 

with the tools, and not one of them returned ; in this in- 
stance the colonel was the best judge of human nature. In 
the time of action, Col. Prescott observed that the brave Gen. 
"Warren was near the works ; he immediately stepped up to 
him, and asked him if he had any orders to give him. The 
general replied that he had none, that he exercised no com- 
mand there. " The command," said the general, " is 
yours." 

Maj. Gen. Henry Lee, in his Memoirs of the War, 
(1812,) says of the battlp of Bunker Hill : 

The military annals of the world rarely furnish an 
achievement which equals the firmness and courage dis- 
played on that proud day by the gallant band of Americans ; 
and it certainly stands first in the brilliant events of our 
war. 

When future generations shall inquire where are the men 
who gained the highest prize of glory in the arduous contest 
which ushered in our nation's birth,— upon Prescott and his 
companions in arras will the eye of history beam. 

A Sketch of the Battle of Breed's Hill, hy Maj. Gen. 
James Wilkinson, (1816.) 

The resolution of the provincial council of war being 
taken. Col. Prescott, a man of strong mind and dauntless 
resolution, who, I understand, had served in the seven years 
war as a provincial subaltern, seconded by a Col. Brewer, 
Avho also served in the same war as a sergeant of rangers, 
was ordered with one thousand Massachusetts men, to take 
possession of Bunker Hill, but whether by mistaking the 
spot, which seems improbable. Col. Prescott passed the crown 
of Bunker Hill about six hundred yards, and broke ground 
on Breed's Hill, about twelve hundred yards from the Brit- 
ish battery on Cop's Hill in North Boston. 

The British general was started by this encroachment, 
which left him no time to deliberate ; for although Bunker 
Hill would have given little annoyance to Boston, Breed's 
Hill positively commanded the northern part of it. Maj. 
Gen. Howe, therefore, being first for duty, was ordered with 
ten companies of grenadiers, and ten of light infantry, and 



118 

the 5th, 38th, 43d and 52d regiments, to dislodge the provin- 
cials ; and on this service, seconded by Brigadier-General 
Pigot, he embarked in barges about noon, and rowed to Mor- 
ton's point, the eastern extremity of the peninsula of Charles- 
town, and the present site of the navy yard of the United 
States, where he landed and formed without opposition ; but 
disliking the disposition and aspect of the provincials, he or- 
dered his troops to set down, and sent back to Boston for a 
reinforcement, to land and co-operate from the side of 
Charlestown ; for which service the 47th regiment and 1st 
battalion of marines were detached ; and yet this corps of 
Sir William Howe, composed of five regiments, one battal- 
ion, and twenty flank companies, has been generally report- 
ed at aloui two thousand men ; but surely sixty-four com- 
panies, at least, cannot be reckoned for less than three 
thousand, and this number I shall claim, for the honor of 
Prescott and Stark, and the troops they commanded, which 
did not exceed fifteen hundred combatants. Gen. Howe 
halted at Morton's point, as well to arrange and refresh his 
corps for combat, as to wait the reinforcement ; being pei'- 
fectly concealed from observation in his front by the nature 
of the ground. Prescott, at the same time, manned his re- 
doubt, and the retrenchment, and occupied the circumjacent 
ground in the most advantageous manner he could, with 
about eight hundred men out of the one thousand ordered for 
the service ;* whilst Gen. Putnam and a Col. Gerrish took 
post with about fifteen hundred men, on and around Bunker 
Hill. In the mean time, Col. Stark, with his own regiment 
and that of Reed's from New Hampshire, amounting to about 
seven hundred men, half organized, and wretchedly equip- 
ped, J" were pressing for the scene of action ; Capt. H. Dear- 
born, lately a major-general, marched on Col. Stark's right, 
traversed the causeway under a heavy cross fire from float- 
ing batteries, and passed Gen. Putnam on Bunker Hill, with 

* Two hundred men had been sent away with the intrenching tools, as 
above stated. (Edit. V. R.) 

t The men were armed with fusils of various calibres, each individual 
was furnished with one quarter of a pound of powder in a horn, one flint, 
and lead sufficient to make fifteen charges, either of ball or buck-shot ; the 
men prepared tlieir ammunition according to their discretion, some with 
cartridges and others with loose ammunition ; the powder in their horn.s 
and the lead in their pockets. 



119 

Col. Gerrish by his side, and one thousand or one thousand 
two hundred men under their orders. As this corps of citi- 
zen soldiers approached the redoubt under the cannonade of 
the enemy's batteries from Charles river, and Cop's Hill, 
Col. Stark determined to form his men behind the post and 
rail fences before described ; but when he reached the bank 
of the Mystic, he cast his eyeg down upon the beach, and as he 
observed to me on the spot, thought it was so plain a way 
that the enemy could not miss it ; he therefore ordered a 
number of Ms boys to jump down the bank, and with stones 
from the adjacent walls, they soon threw up a strong breast- 
work to the water's edge, behind which he posted triple 
ranks of his choice men ; in the mean time, those who 
formed in rear of the fences, to conceal themselves from 
the enemy, filled the space between the rails with grass and 
hay, behind which they either knelt or sat down, every 
man having made an aperture in the grassy rampart, through 
which, while resting his fusee, he could take deliberate 
aim. 

Capt. Dearborn was posted with his company nearest the 
redoubt, on the right of Stark's line. About one o'clock 
Gen. Howe put two columns and a detachment with his ar- 
tillery in motion; one column marched by the beach, and 
his light infantry led the other on the margin of the bank of 
the Mystic, and directly to the left of Col. Stark's line ; the 
detachment and artillery, from the best information I have 
been able to procure, inclined towards his left, and com- 
menced a feeble attack against the redoubt at long shot, ap- 
parently with a design to draw the attention of Col. Pres- 
cott, whilst the column on the beach, and that on the bank 
of the Mystic, were designed to turn the flank and gain the 
rear of the provincials on Breed's Hill, which they would 
have accomplished, if they had not been driven back. Col. 
Stark's orders to his men, who were concealed behind the 
.stone wall on the beach, were not to fire until the front of 
the enemy reached a point which he had marked in the 
bank at eight or ten rods distance, and those on the bank im- 
mediately under his eye, were directed to reserve their fires 
until they could see the enemy's half gaiters, which from 
the form of the ground, would bring them within the same 



120 

distance ; in this situation of the provincials, the columns 
of the enemy on the heach and the bank advanced by heavy 
platoons, without firing, as if not apprised of what awaited 
them, and when within the prescribed distance, received a 
volley which mowed down the whole front ranks, and the 
columns were instantly broken and fell back in disorder, 
that on the beach, entirely out of the combat, having ninety- 
six* men killed outright, before they could escape the Amer- 
ican fire ; on the banks the light infantry fell back until 
covered by the ground, then re-formed, and again advanced 
to the attack, and were again repulsed with similar slaugh- 
ter ; three times were these brave unfortunate men led to 
the charge, and were finally repulsed. f Sir William Howe 
now gave up his first plan of attack, to force his way into 
the rear of the provincials, and making an entire new dis- 
position, he directed his whole force against the redoubt, at- 
tacking it on three sides at the same time. Gen. Clinton, 
with the 47th regiment and the battalion of marines on the 
right ; Gen. Pigot with the 5th, 38th and 43d regiments, in 
the center ; and the cornmander, with the grenadiers and 
52d regiment on the left ; the Ijght infantry appear to have 
been put hors de combat. 

The retrenchment was turned on the left and entered by 
the grenadiers, but being exposed to the perpendicular fire of 
the redoubt and the oblique fire of Capt. Dearborn, they were 
obliged to abandon it. Assailed in his front and flank by 
three-fold numbers, Prescott persevered with great obstinacy 
and valor, until his ammunition was nearly expended, and 
the redoubt was forced by the grenadiers at the angle which 
joined the reti-enchment. He was then obliged to give away, 
and his men retreated in disorder. After the third repulse 
of the light infantry, and whilst the attack was carried 
against the redoubt, Stark's men behind the post and rail 
fence near the Mystic were unassailed and unoccupied, and 
the scenes near the redoubt being obscured by the smoke, 
they were induced to retreat reluctantly after the work was 

* Mr. John Winslow, then in Boston, T understand, counted that number 
the next day. 

1 1 had these details from Col. Stark on the field, the 17th of March, 
1776, and I remember his observing, " the dead lay as thick as sheep m a 
fold ;" it was at this point the enemy suliered most severely. 



121 

carried. If they had been thi'own forward, where the light 
infantry finally gave way, to attack Sir William's right 
flank and rear, the issue of this conflict might have proved 
unfortunate for him ; or if Gen. Putnam had moved up with 
Col. Gerrish and the men who remained stationary within 
six hundred yards of the combat, which lasted an hour and 
a half, the triumph of the provincials would have been de- 
cisive^ and those of the British corps who were not killed 
must have surrendered, which would probably have termi- 
nated the contest, and pi'evented the disseverment of the 
British empire ; but I understand from high authority, that 
it was in vain Col. Prescott sent messen":er after messenger 
to entreat Gen. Putnam to come to his succor ; he rode about 
Bunker Hill, while the battle raged under his eye, with a 
number of entrenching tools slung across his horse, but did 
not advance a step, and was passed, with Col. Gerrish at 
his side, by Stark and Dearborn, as they retreated, near the 
spot where they saw him when they advanced ; and for this 
conduct Col. Prescott never ceased to reprobate the gen- 
eral. • 

This isolated sketch being intended as a mere record of 
facts little known, it may be proper to state, that between 
Prescott and Stark there was no preconcert or plan of co- 
opei-ation : each fought his distinct corps, and defended 
his ground, according to his own judgment, and there was 
no general command exercised on the field ; as soon as the 
men were stationed, everyone reasoned and resolved for his 
country, under the direction of his own will. All the rein- 
forcements which arrived at Bunker Hill after Col. Stark 
had passed, halted and kept company with Gen. Putaam 
and Col. Gerrish. The colonel was cashiered, but the gen- 
eral, being distinguished for his popularity, his integrity and 
patriotism, served as third in command at the termination of 
the American I'evolution. 

The Battle of Bunker Hill, by Maj. Gen. Henry 
Dearborn, (1818.) 

On the 16th of June, 1775, it was determined that a for- 
tified post should be established at or near Bunker Hill. 
A detachment of the army was ordered to advance early 
11 



122 

in the evening of that day, and commence the erection of a 
strong work on the heights in the rear of Charlestown. 

The work was commenced and carried on under the di- 
rection of such engineers as we were able to procure at that 
time. It was a square redoubt, the curtains of which were 
about sixty or seventy feet in extent, with an intrenchment, 
or breast- work, extending fifty or sixty feet from the north- 
ern angle, towards Mystic river. 

In the course of the night the ramparts had been raised 
to the height of six or seven feet, with a small ditch at their 
base, but it was yet in a rude and imperfect state. Being 
in full view from the northern heights of Boston, it was dis- 
covered by the enemy, as soon as the daylight appeared, and 
a determination was immediately formed by Gen. Gage, for 
dislodging our troops from this new and alarming position. 
Arrangements were promptly made for effecting this impor- 
tant object. The movements of the British troops indicating 
an attack, were soon discovered, in consequence of which, 
orders were immediately issued for the march of a consid- 
erable part of our army to reinforce the detachment at the 
redoubts on Breed's Hill. 

Col. Stark's regiment was quartered in Medford, distant 
about four miles from the point of anticipated attack. It 
then consisted of thirteen companies, arid was probably the 
largest regiment in the army. About ten o'clock in the 
morning he received orders to march. The regiment being 
destitute of ammunition, it formed in front of a house occu- 
pied as an arsenal, where each man received a gill cup full 
of powder, fifteen balls, and one flint. 

After completing the neeessary preparations for action, 
the regiment formed and marched about one o'clock. When 
it reached Charlestown Neck we found two regiments, halt- 
ed, in consequence of a heavy enfilading fire thrown across 
it, of round, bar, and chain shot, from the Lively frigate, 
and floating batteries anchored in (Charles river, and a float- 
ing battery lying in the river Mystic. Maj. M'Clary went 
forward, and observed to the commanders, if they did not 
intend to move on, he wished them to open and let our regi- 
ment pass ; the latter was immediately done. My company 
being in front, I marched by the side of Col. Stark, who 



123 

moving witli a very deliberate pace, I suggested the proprie- 
ty 9f quickening the march of the regiment, that it might 
sooner be relieved from the galling cross fire of the enemy. 
With a look peculiar to himself, he fixed his eyes upon me, 
and observed with great composure — " Dearborn, one fresh 
man in action, is worth ten fatigued ones," and continued to 
advance in the same cool and collected manner. When we 
had reached the top of Bunker Hill, where Gen. Putnam 
had taken his station, the regiment halted for a few moments 
for the rear to come up. 

Soon after, the enemy were discovered to have landed on 
the shore of Morton's point, in front of Breed's Hill, under 
cover of a tremendous fire of shot and shells from a battery 
on Cop's Hill, in Boston, which had opened on the redoubt, 
at daybreak. 

At this moment the veteran and gallant Stark, harangued 
his regiment in a short but animated address ; then directed 
them to give three cheers, and make a rapid movement to 
the rail fence which ran from the left, and about forty yards 
in the rear of the redoubt towards Mystic river. 

Our regiment was formed in the rear of the rail fence, 
with one other small regiment from New Hampshire, under 
the command of Col. Reed ; the fire commenced between 
the left wing of the British army, commanded by Gen. 
Howe, and the troops in the redoubt under Col. Prescott, 
while a column of the enemy viras advancing on our left, on 
the shore of Mystic river, with an evident intention of turn- 
ing our left wing, and that veteran and most excellent regi- 
ment of Welsh fusileers, so distinguished for its gallant con- 
duct in the battle of Minden, advanced in column directly 
on the rail fence, when within eighty or a hundred yards, 
displayed into line, with the precision and firmness of troops 
on parade, and opened a brisk but regular fire by platoons, 
which was returned by a well-directed, rapid, and fatal dis- 
charge from our whole line. 

The action soon became general, and very heavy from 
right to left. In the course of ten or fifteen minutes, the 
enemy gave way at all points, and retreated in great dis- 
order, leaving a large number of the dead and wounded on 
the field. 



124 

The firing ceased for a short time, until the enemy again 
formed, advanced and recommenced a spirited fire frpm his 
whole line. Several attempts were again made to turn our 
left, but the troops having thrown up a slight stone wall on 
the bank of the river and lying down behind it, gave such a 
deadly fire, as cut down almost every man of the party op- 
posed to them ; while the fire from .the redoubt and the rail 
fence was so well directed and so fatal, especially to the 
British officers, that the whole army was compelled a sec- 
ond time to retreat with precipitation and great confusion. 
At this time the ground occupied by the enemy was covered 
with his dead and wounded. Only a few small detached 
parties again advanced, which kept up a distant, ineffectual, 
scattering fire, until a strong reinforcement arrived from 
Boston, which advanced on the southern declivity of the hill, 
in the rear of Charlestown ; it wheeled by platoons to the 
right and advanced directly upon the redoubt without firing 
a gun. By this time our ammunition was exhausted, a few 
only had a charge left. 

The advancing column made an attempt to carry the re- 
doubt by assault, but at the first onset every man that mount- 
ed the parapet was cut down, by the troops within, who had 
formed on the opposite side, not being prepared with bayonets 
to meet a charge. 

The column wavered for a moment, but soon formed 
again ; when a forward movement was made with such 
spirit and intrepidity as to render the feeble efforts of a hand- 
ful of men, without the means of defence, unavailing, and 
they fled through an open space in the rear of the redoubt, 
which had been left for a gateway. At this moment the rear 
of the British column advanced round the angle of the re- 
doubt, and threw in a galling flank fire upon our troops, as 
they rushed from it, M'hich killed and wounded a greater 
number than had fallen before during the action. The whole 
of our line immediately gave way and retreated with rapid- 
ity and disorder towards Bunker Hill ; carrying off" as many 
of the wounded as possible, so that onl)^ thirty-six or seven 
fell into the hands of the enemy, among whom were Lieut. 
Col. Parker, and two or three other officers who fell in or 
near the redoubt. 



125 

When the troops arrived at the summit of Bunker Hill, 
we found Gen. Putnam with nearly as many men as had 
been engaged in the battle ; notwithstanding which no meas- 
ure had been taken for reinforcing us, nor was there a shot 
fired to cover our retreat, or any movement made to check 
the advance of the enemy to this height, but on the contrary, 
Gen. Putnam rode off, with a number of spades and pick- 
axes in his hands, and the troops that had remained with 
him inactive during the whole of the action, although within 
a few hundred yards of the battle ground, and no obstacle 
to impede their movement but musket balls. 

The whole of our troops now descended the northwestern 
declivity of Bunker Hill, and recrossed the neck. Those 
of the New Hampshire line retired towards Winter Hill, and 
the others on to Prospect Hill. 

Some slight works were thrown up in the course of the 
evening — strong advance pickets were posted on the roads 
leading to Charlestown, and the troops anticipating an at- 
tack, rested on their arms. 

Soon after the commencement of the action, a detachment 
from the British force in Boston was landed in Charlestown, 
and within a few moments the whole town appeared in a 
blaze. A dense column rose to a great height, and there 
being a gentle breeze from the southwest, it hung like a 
thunder cloud over the contending armies. A very few 
houses escaped the dreadful conflagration of this devoted 
town. 

From similar mistakes, the fixed ammunition furnished for 
the field-pieces was calculated for guns of a larger calibre, 
which prevented the use of field-artillery, on both sides. 
From the ships of war and a large battery on Cop's Hill, a 
heavy cannonade was kept up upon our line and redoubt, 
from the commencement to the close of the action and dur- 
ing the retreat ; but with little effect, except killing the 
brave Maj. Andrew M'Clary of Col. Stark's regiment, soon 
after we retreated from Bunker Hill. He was among the 
first officers of the army — possessing a sound judgment, of 
undaunted bravery, enterprising, ardent and zealous, both 
as a patriot and soldier. His loss was severely felt by his 
compatriots in arms, while his country was deprived of the 

11* 



126 

services of one of her most promising and distinguished 
champions of liberty. 

My position in the battle, more the result of accident than 
any regularity of formation, was on the right of the line at 
the rail fence, which afTorded me a fair view of the whole 
scene of action. 

Our men were intent on cutting down every officer they 
could distinguish in the British line. When any of them 
discovered one, he would instantly exclaim, " there,'''' " see 
that officer," " let us have a shot at him," when two or three 
would fire at the same moment ; and as our soldiers were 
excellent marksmen and rested their muskets over the fence, 
they were sure of their object. An officer was discovered 
to mount near the position of Gen. Howe, on the left of the 
British line, and ride towards our left ; which a column was 
endeavoring to turn. This was the only officer on horse- 
back during the day, and as he approached the rail fence, 
I heard a number of our men observe, " there," '' there," 
"see that officer on horseback" — "let us fire," "no, not 
yet," — " wait until he gets to that little knoll," — " now" — 
when they fired and he instantly fell dead from his horse. 
It proved to be Maj. Pitcairn, a distinguished officer. The 
fire of the enemy was so badly directed, I should presume 
that forty-nine balls out of fifty passed from one to six feet 
over our heads, for I noticed an apple-tree, some paces in 
the rear, which had scarcely a ball in it from the trunk and 
ground as high as a man's head, while the trunk and branches 
above were literally cut to pieces. 

I commanded a full company in action and had only one 
man killed and five wounded, which was a full average of 
the loss we sustained, excepting those who fell while sally- 
ing from the redoubt, when it was stormed by the British 
column. 

Our total loss in killed was eighty-feight, and as well as I 
can recollect, upwards of two hundred wounded. Our pla- 
toon officers carried fusees. 

In the course of the action, after firing away what ammu- 
nition I had, I walked to the higher ground to the right, in 
rear of the' redoubt, with an expectation of procuring from 
some of the dead or wounded men who lay there, a supply. 



127 

While in that situation, I saw at some distance a dead man 
lying near a small locust tree. Ashe appeared to be much 
better dressed than our men generally were, I asked a man 
who was passing me, if he knew who it was. He replied, 
" It is Dr. Warren."* 

I did not personally know Dr. Warren, but was acquaint- 
ed with his public character. He had been recently ap- 
pointed a general in our service, but had not taken command. 
He was president of the provincial congress then sitting at 
Watcrtown, and having heard that there would probably be 
an action, had come to share in whatever might happen, in 
the character of a volunteer. His death was a severe mis- 
fortune to his friends and country. Posterity will appreciate 
his worth and do honor to his memory. He is immortalized 
as a patriot, who gloriously fell in defence of freedom. 

The number of our troops in action, as near as I was able 
to ascertain, did not exceed fifteen hundred. The force of 
the British, at the commencement of the action, was estima- 
ted at about the same number, but they were frequently re- 
inforced. 

Had our ammunition held out, or had we been supplied 
with only fifteen or twenty rounds, I have no doubt that we 
should have killed and wounded the greatest part of their 
army, and compelled the remainder to have laid down their 
arms ; for it was with the greatest difficulty that they were 
brought up the last time. 

Our fire was so deadly, pai'ticularly to the officers, that it 
would have been impossible to have resisted it, but for a 
short time longer. 

I did not see a man quit his post during the action, and do 
not believe a single soldier, who was brought into the field, 
fled, until the whole army was obliged to retreat, for want 
of powder and ball. 

Every platoon officer was engaged in discharging his own 
musket, and left his men to fire as they pleased, but never 

* Tliis shows that no British officer was near Gen. Warren when he fell, 
and consequently that Col. Small's statement to Col. Trumhull is not true. 
I have said in tlie introduction to this work, that " it is most probable that 
Warren fell within the redoubt;" but the above statement of Gen. Dear- 
horn, and the testimony of Samuel Lawrence, render it certain that he was 
shot in Ihe retreat after leaving the redoubt. 



128 

without a sure aim at some particular object, which was 
more destructive than any mode which could have been 
adopted with troops who were not inured to discipline, and 
never had been in battle, but were still familiar with the use 
of arms, from boyhood, and each having his peculiar man- 
ner of loading and firing, which had been practised upon for 
years, with the same gun ; any attempt to control them by 
uniformity and system, would have rendered their fires in- 
finitely less fatal to the enemy. Not an officer or soldier 
of the continental troops engaged was in uniform, but were 
in the plain and ordinary dress of citizens ; nor was there 
an officer on horseback. 

The total loss of the British was about twelve hundred ; 
upwards of five hundred killed and between six and seven 
hundred wounded. The Welsh fusileers suffered most se- 
verely ; they came into action five hundred strong, and all 
were killed or wounded but eighty-three. 

I will mention an extraordinary circumstance to show how 
far the temporary reputation of a man may affect the minds 
of all classes of society. 

Gen. Putnam had entered our army at the commencement 
of the revolutionary war, with such a universal popularity 
as can scarcely now be conceived, even by those who then 
felt the whole force of it, and no one can at this time offer 
any satisfactory reasons why he was held in such high es- 
timation. 

In the battle of Bunker Hill he took post on the declivity 
towards Charlestown Neck ; where I saw him on horseback 
as we passed on to Breed's Hill, with Col. Gerrish by his 
side. I heard the gallant Col. Prescott (who commanded in 
the redoubt) observe after the war, at the table of his excel- 
lency, James Bowdoin, then governor of this commonwealth, 
"that he sent three messengers durins; the battle to Gen. 
Putnam, I'equesting him to come forv/ard and take the com- 
mand, there being no general officer present, and the rela- 
tive rank of the colonel not having been settled ; but that he 
received no answer, and his whole conduct was such, both 
during the action and the retreat, that he ought to have been 
shot." He remained at or near the top of Bunker Hill un- 
til the retreat, with Col. Gerrish by his side ; I saw them 



129 

together when we retreated. He not only continued at that 
distance himself during the whole of the action, but had a 
force with him nearly as large as that engaged. No rein- 
forcement of men nor ammunition was sent to our assist- 
ance ; and, instead of attempting to cover the retreat of those 
who had expended their last shot in the face of the enemy, 
he retreated in company with Col. Gerrish, and his whole 
force, without discharging a single musket ; but what is still 
more astonishing, Col. Gerrish was arrested for cowardice, 
tried, cashiered, arid universally execrated ; while not a word 
was said against the conduct of Gen. Putnam, whose extra- 
ordinary jjopulcirity alone saved him, not only from trial, but 
even from censure. Col. Gerrish commanded a I'egiment, 
and should have been at its head. His regiment was not in 
action although ordered — but as he was in the suit of the 
general, and appeared to be in the situation of adjutant-gen- 
eral, why was he not directed by Putnam to join it, or the 
regiment sent into action under the senior officer present 
with it ? 

When Gen. Putnam's ephemeral and unaccountable pop- 
ularity subsided or faded away, and the minds of the people 
were released from the shackles of a delusive trance, the 
circumstances relating to Bunker Hill were vietoed and talk- 
ed of in a very different light, and the selection of the unfor- 
tunate Col. Gerrish as a scape-goat considered as a mysteri- 
ous and inexplicable event. 

I have no private feeling to gratify by making this state- 
ment in relation to Gen. Putnam, as I never had any inter- 
course with him, and was only in the army where he -was 
present, for a few months ; but at this late period, I con- 
ceive it a duty to give a fair and impartial account of one 
of the most important battles during the war of indepen- 
dence, and all the circumstances connected with it, so far as 
I had the means of being correctly informed. 

It is a duty I owe to posterity, and the character of those 
brave officers who bore a share in the hardships of the rev- 
olution. 

Affidavit of Robert Bradford Wilkins. 
I, Robert B. Wilkins, of Concord, county of Rockingnam, 
state of New Hampshire, do testify and say, that I acted as 



130 

a private soldier in the battle of Breed's Hill, otherwise 
called the battle of Bunker Hill, on the 17th of June, 1775; 
that I was attached to Capt. Levi Spaulding's company, of 
Col. Jas. Reed's regiment. That I was on that day sta- 
tioned at Charlestown, below the neck and on the main 
street, that our company proceeded from thence on to Bun- 
ker Hill, over the hollow and on to Breed's Hill ; that after 
our company arrived at the works, near Mystic river, I was 
sent back on an errand, by the captain, to the house where 
we had been stationed ; and on returning by a route nearer 
to the neck, than that we first passed, I saw Gen. Putnam 
with Col. Gerrish, as near as I could judge, one hundred 
rods from the line and troops I had left ; that the firing with 
small-arms commenced after I returned the second time ; 
that in the action the enemy were three times repulsed ; 
that in the interval between the second and third repulse, I 
received a severe wound from a musket ball in my right el- 
bow-joint, for which wound, I have since received a pension 
from the government of the United States ; that I then left 
the field of battle just before the retreat of the Americans 
from the fort, and passed on to Bunker Hill, where I found 
Gen. Putnam and Col. Gerrish in nearly the same place 
where I first saw them ; that I was then almost exhausted 
from the loss of blood; that Col, Gerrish gave me some re- 
freshment and bound a handkerchief around my arm at the 
place of my wound, and sent two men to assist me over the 
neck, who left me before I had cleared the neck, and I fell 
and lay on the ground, until nearly all the Americans had 
retreated from the hill, when I was helped off". I served 
from the commencement to the close of the revolutionary 
war, and acted successively as a private, a sergeant, ensign 
and lieutenant. 

Robert B. Wilkins. 

Sworn to before Samuel Greene, Justice of the Peace. 

May 30, 1818. 

Rev. Dr. William Bentley^s statement. 

Salem, May 20, 1818. 

I was with Gen. Stark on the 31st of May, 1810. I al- 
ways had a deep interest in the man, and usually kept a 



■ 131 

notice of the subject of our conversation. I found him in 
great good humor, and soon upon his old war stories, which 
I did not take care minutely to preserve, because Maj. Ca- 
leb Stark had told me he was collecting every thing worthy of 
the public eye, and to be published after his father's de- 
cease, and in due honor of his memory. As among other 
objects, I intended to get a likeness, and was uncertain of 
success, among the maps, prints, and papers I carried him, 
were some portraits, and among them was one of Gen. Put- 
nam. I recollect upon the sight of the head of Gen. Putnam 
he said, " My Champlain," as he called me, "you know my 
opinion of that man. Had he done his duty, he would have 
decided the fate of his country in the first action." He then 
proceeded to describe to me the scene of action and the 
'■'pen," as he called the enclosed works, and breast- works, 
and gave his reasons for not entering it, and the want of 
judgment in the works. He then told me where he saw 
Gen. Putnam and what was done on the occasion, and his 
remarks were as severe as his genius and the sentiments of 
ardent patriotism could make them. As Gen. Stark always 
used the same language on the subject, it will be recollected 
by many of his friends. 

William Bentley. 

Certificate of the Rev. Daniel Chaplin, D. D., of Groton, and 
Rev. John Bullard of Pepper ell. 

This may certify the public, that we whose names we 
have given, were in the habits of intimacy with Col. W. 
Prescott, of Pepperell, a man of the strictest integrity, dur- 
ing most of the period after he left the revolutionary army 
until his death ; that at sundry times in conversation with 
him about the war, particularly about the battle of Bunker 
Hill, so called, he uniformly told us, that Maj. Gen. War- 
ren came to the fort on Breed's Hill, which had been formed 
the night preceding, a little before the British made an at- 
tack on the works ; that he. Col. Prescott, said to Gen. War- 
ren, " I am happy to see you, general," or using words to 
the same effect, " for you will now take command, and I will 
obey your orders and am relieved." Said Gen. Warren to 
him, in reply, " I have no command here, Col. Prescott, I 



132 

am a volunteer, I came to learn actual service." Prescott 
said, " I wish then you would look at the works we have 
thrown up, and give your opinion." Warren replied — "You 
are better acquainted with military matters than I am." Af- 
ter which they immediately parted, and met not again. Col. 
Prescott further informed us repeatedly, that when a retreat 
was ordered and commenced, he was descending the hill, he 
met Gen. Putnam, and said to him, " Why did you not sup- 
port me, genei'al, with your men, as I had reason to expect, 
according to agreement?" Putnam answered, " I could not 
drive the dogs up." Prescott pointedly said to him, " If you 
could not drive them up, you might have led them up." We 
have good reason to believe further, from declarations of some 
of our parishioners, men of respectability, whose veracity 
cannot be doubted, who belonged to Col. Prescott's regiment, 
and were present through the whole service, that Gen. Put- 
nam was not on Breed's Hill the night preceding, or on that 
day, except that just before the attack was made, he might 
have gone to the fort and ordered the tools to be carried off, 
that they might not fall into the hands of the enemy in the 
event of his carrying the works, and holding the ground, and 
that he and his men, with Col. Gerrish, remained on the side 
of Bunker Hill towards the neck during the whole action. 

Daniel Chaplin, 
John Bullaed. 
Groton, June 5, 1818. 

Statement of the Hon. Abel Parker, judge of prolate. 

As I was in the battle on Breed's Hill, otherwise called 
Bunker Hill, on the 17th day of June, 1775, and there re- 
ceived one ball through my leg, another having passed 
through my clothes, all accounts of that battle which I have 
seen published, have been to me extremely interesting. But 
I have never seen any account which I considered in any 
degree correct, until the one published by Gen. Dearborn. 
On perusing that account with the utmost attention, I could 
discover but one mistake, and that related to his assertion, 
' that there was not a man that flinched,' or to that effect, for 
his narrative is not now before me, and even in that case, I 
believe the general's assertion may be strictly true, if his 



133 

meaning be confined to the time after his arrival on the hill. 
Previous to that, there were many who left the ground at the 
fort, particularly at the landing of the British troops; but 
after the commencement of the 'battle with small-arms, I 
know of no man's leaving his post, until the order to retreat 
was given by Col. Prescott. But notwithstanding the cor- 
rectness of Gen. Dearborn's description of that battle, some 
persons seem to be much exasperated by it, in particular as 
to what he asserted in regard to Gen. Putnam. As long as 
they confined themselves to mere declamation, without bring- 
ing forward any evidence to disprove the general's assertion, 
I deemed it unnecessary for me to appear in vindication of 
the general's statement. But on perusing a letter from Col. 
Trumbull to Col. Putnam, wherein mention is made of a con- 
versation with Col. Small in London, I concluded, notwith- 
standing my aversion to taking any part in a newspaper dis- 
cussion, that to remain any longer silent, would be absolutely 
criminal. I shall, therefore, in as concise a manner as pos- 
sible, state what I know relating to that memorable battle. 
Immediately after the battle of Lexington, I engaged in the 
service of my country, in Capt. John Nutting's company, in 
the regiment commanded by Col. Wm. Prescott. Both of 
these officers belonged to the town of Pepperell, where I then 
lived. I was at this time a little more than twenty-two years 
of age. On the 16th day of June following. Col. PrescoWs 
regiment with two or three others, were ordered to march 
and take possession of Bunker Hill. On our arrival at the 
place called Charlestown neck, a halt was made, and Capt. 
Nutting's company, with ten of the Connecticut troops, were 
detached to proceed into Charlestown as a guard ; the re- 
mainder marched to the hill, which in fact was Breed's, and 
not Bunker Hill, where they commenced building a small 
fort. In the morning, not far from sunrising, the alarm was 
fired from the British vessel lying in the river. Some time 
after this, Nutting's company left the town, and marched to 
join the regiment on the hill. When we arrived there, the 
fort was in considerable forwardness, and the troops com- 
menced throwing up the breast-work mentioned by Gen. 
Dearborn. We had not been long employed in that work, 
before the cannon shot from a hill in Boston, and the vessels 

12 



134 

lying in the river, were poured in upon us in great profusion. 
However, the work progressed until it would answer the 
purpose for which it was designed. But the firing from the 
British artillery continued 'with unabated fury. Some time 
before this, there was brought to the fort several brass field- 
pieces, one of which was actually fired towards Boston ; but 
the ball did not reach the town. It had this effect, however, 
on the British, that it made them double their diligence in 
firing upon us. In the time of this heavy fire, I, for the first 
time that day, saw Gen. Putna7n standing with others, under 
cover of the north wall of the fort, where, I believe, he re- 
mained until the British troops made their appearance in 
their boats. At this time the artillery was withdrawn from 
the fort, but by whose orders I know not, and Gen. Putnam, 
at, or near the same time, left the fort. The removing of 
the artillery, and Gen. Putnam's departure, took place a lit- 
tle before (if my memory be correct) the New Hampshire 
troops made their appearance on the hill. I saw them when 
they arrived, and witnessed their dexterity in throwing up 
their breast-work of rails and hay. When the British first 
made their attack with small-arms, I was at the breast- work, 
where I remained until I received my wound from the party 
who flanked it ; I then went to the fort, where I remained 
until the order to retreat was given by Col. Prescott. After 
my arrival at the fort I had a perfect opportunity of viewing 
the operations of the day, and noticed Col. Prescott as the 
only person who took upon him any command. He frequent- 
ly ordered the men from one side to the other, in order to 
defend that part which was prest hardest by the enemy ; 
and I was within a few yards of him, when the order to re- 
treat was given ; and I affirm, that at that time Gen. Putnam 
was not in the fort, neither had he been there at any time af- 
ter my entering the same ; and I have no hesitation in de- 
claring, that the story told by Col. Small to Col. Trumbull, 
concerning Gen. Putnam's saving him from the fire of our 
men at that time, is altogether unfounded. 

Abel Parker. 
JeflTrey, New Hampshire, May 27, 1818. 



135 

Gen. Michael McClary's lettkr. 

" Epsom, May 10, 1818. 
" Dear sir — 

" Your letter of the first instant I received yesterday, 
and a few days previously, I saw in the New Hamp- 
shire Patriot the account published by your father of 
w^hat is generally called Bunker Hill battle, which, to 
the best of my recollection, is correct. 

" I was in the battle from its commencement to the 
end, and have no recollection of seeing Gen. Putnam 
in or near it. I was the principal part of the time the 
action continued near Col. Stark, who commanded the 
regiment to which I belonged, and on our retreat from 
Breed's Hill, in ascending Bunker Hill, I well remem- 
ber seeing Gen. Putnam there on his horse, with a 
spade in his hand. 

" Being an officer in the company under your father's 
command, I had an opportunity of knowing the circum- 
stances generally attending the battle, and if Gen. Put- 
nam had been there [that is, taken any part in it] I 
should have known it. 

" I am, dear sir, &c., 

"Michael McClary. 

" H. A. S. Dearborn." 

Gen. B. Pierce's letter. 

" Hillsborough, N. H., May 17, 1818. 
" Much respected general, — 

" I have read your account of the battle of Bunker 
Hill, and consider it to be more like the tiling itself than 
any statement I have seen. I went on to the hill about 
11 o'clock, A. M., on the 17th. When I arrived at the 
summit of Bunker Hill, I saw there two pieces of can- 
non, and two or three soldiers standing by them, who 
said they belonged to Capt. Callender's company, and 
that the officers had run away. Gen. Putnam sat there 
upon a horse. I saw nobody else but him and the be- 
fore mentioned soldiers. The general requested our 



136 

company (which was commanded by Capt. John Ford, 
of 'Chehristbrd, Massachusetts) to take these cannon 
down to the hnes ; which they refused to do, saying 
they had no knowledge of the use of artillery, but were 
ready to fight with their own arms. Capt. Ford then 
addressed his company in a very animated strain, which 
had the desired etfect, and they seized the ropes, and 
soon drew the cannon to the rail fence. 

" I think I saw Gen. Putnam at that place, looking 
for something he had lost. I did not hear him give 
any orders, or assume any command, except at the top 
of Bunker Hill, when I was going to the field of action. 
I remained at the rail fence until all the powder and 
ball were spent. I had a full view of the movements 
of the enemy, and I think your statement of the order 
of the day, and of the two contending armies correct, 
and cannot be denied with thcT semblance of truth. — 
Excuse an old soldier. 

" I am, sir, &c., B. Pierce. 

" Maj. Gen. Henry Dearborn." 

According to the condition of Callender's artillery, 
as stated both by Gen. Dearborn and Col. Swett, it was 
excessively ridiculous for Gen. Puinam to request it to 
be taken to the lines, where it could be of no manner 
of use. Gen. Dearborn says : " From similar mistakes, 
the fixed ammunition furnished for the field-pieces was 
calculated for guns of a larger caliber, which prevent- 
ed the use of field artillery on both sides." Col. Swett 
observes : 

Perfect as was the fire of the American infantry, their ar- 
tillery was as grossly defective in ever}' respect. This arm 
requires science, experience, and knowledge of position. But 
the artillery companies were just selected from the infantry, 
and entirely ignorant of their duty. Callender carried his 
pieces into action, but his cartridges required adjusting. To- 
tally in violation of military discipline, he left his post with- 
out orders, and was retiring to a secure place under cover 
of the hill, to prepare for firing. Putnam observed this ap- 



137 

pearance of retreat, and was fired with indignation ; he 
ordered him instantly to his post ; Callender remonstrated, 
but Putnam threatened him with instant death, if he hesitated, 
and forced him back. His men, however, were disgusted 
with a part of the service they did not understand. Most of 
them had muskets and mingled in the fight. The pieces were 
entirely deserted, and the captain relinquished them. 

Was it not possible to convince Gen. Putnam, that it 
is good policy in war to keep under cover, when pre- 
paring for action, instead of being uselessly exposed ? I 
imagine there is some embellishment in this story, and 
that Putnam did not threaten Callender with instant 
death, if he hesitated. 

With regard to Gen. Putnam's being seen, by Gen. 
Pierce, at the rail fence, it was evidently in the fore 
part of the day ; and it is also evident, that he did not 
intend to stay longer than to find what he had lost. 
The battle did not commence till three o'clock, P. M. 
" At three o'clock/' says Peabody, " the British line was 
formed, and the troops moved in perfect and imposing 
order towards the rail fence and redoubt." (p. 174.) 

Letter of Dr. Thomas Kittridge, of Andover. 

" Boston, June 18, 1818. 
" Sir— 

" I received your letter of the 8th instant in due 
season, in which you request me to answer certain 
questions respecting the battle on Bunker Hill, so 
called. 

" I was surgeon in Frye's regiment, and marched 
with the troops in the evening of the 16th of June, 
1775, which consisted of three regiments, according to 
the best of my recollection, Frye's, Prescott's, and 
Bridge's.* Col. Prescott was considered commander 



* According to Col. Swett, there were attached to this expedition, in ad- 
dition to the above, one hundred and twenty men of Gen. Putnani's regi- 
ment, and one company of artillery, making in all about one thousand 
men. 

12* 



138 

of the whole detachment. We arrived at the hill late 
in the evening, and the troops immediately commenced 
throw^ing up works for our defence. * * * * I 
left the hill with the first who was wounded, passed 
over Charlestown Neck, where I proceeded to dress his 
wounds. You ask whether I saw Gen. Putnam on that 
day, and where ? I saw him only once, as I came off, 
at the foot of the lower hill, between where the battle 
was and Charlestown Neck. He was under a tree, 
with, as I supposed, about thirty or forty men. I made 
a halt, when I came against him, of three or four min- 
utes ; and while I was there, I heard Gen. Putnam re- 
quest some of the men to go up to the fort, and endeavor 
to get some of the intrenching tools. I immediately left 
them, went over the neck, and there continued dressing 
the wounded until the engagement was over. 
" I am, sir, &c., 

Thomas Kittridge. 
" Gen. H. A. S. Dearborn." 



139 



CHAPTER V. 

In order to a clear understanding of this matter, it is 
necessary to know the condition of the troops, in respect 
to organization. Mr. Peabody observes — " On the 21st 
of May, 1775, Gen. Ward was commissioned as major- 
general and commander-in-chief of the troops of Massa- 
chusetts ; and his orders were obeyed by all the officers 
of other colonies within the province." Col. Prescott 
received orders from Gen. Ward to repair to Bunker 
Hill, with one thousand men, detached for the purpose, 
and erect a fortification. Prescott, however, finding 
Breed's Hill the most eligible position, erected the 
works there. He had, of course, command of the men 
detached for this service. After the action began, 
Prescott, from the nature of his situation, could not ex- 
tend his command beyond the limits of his redoubt and 
breastwork. Other corps sent to his support, conse- 
quently, fought upon their own responsibility, under 
their respective officers. There was no general com- 
mand ; it being a hurried concern, there was little pre- 
concert. As Gen. Putnam had no troops committed to 
his charge, he, of course, had no command. And here 
the mystery is explained, why no inquiry was instituted 
respecting his conduct, as there was of that of Col. 
Gerrish, who was ordered to the field of action. Put- 
nam was not guilty of a disobedience of orders, having 
received none. 

But, although not amenable to a military tribunal at 
the time, he was subject to trial at the bar of public 
opinion. He came to the camp with an exalted char- 
acter as a patriot, and high military fame, in conse- 



140 

quence of the very flattering accounts that had been 
given of his services in the Seven Years' War; which 
gave him unbounded influence with his compatriots in 
arms. And if, through these means, he caused the re- 
tention of the troops on Bunker Hill from the glorious 
conflict, his conduct can never be too severely censured. 
Of this the public must judge from the circumstances 
detailed. A decided opinion on the subject would, in 
all probability, have been formed before now, had not 
party strife mingled its baneful influence in the discus- 
sion. 

Gen. Dearborn had given an apparently honest state- 
ment of such facts as came under his notice, at the 
battle of Bunker Hill, and which militated against the 
conduct of Gen. Putnam on that occasion ; and Dear- 
born being afterwards nominated, by the republican 
party, for governor of the commonwealth of Massa- 
chusetts, the popularity of Putnam was brought, by the 
opposite party, to bear against his election. It was 
said he had traduced the character of this veteran sol- 
dier, and thus rendered himself unworthy of credit, and 
of course, unfit to be elevated to the high and responsi- 
ble station of governor of the commonwealth, &c., &c. 

Col. Daniel Putnam, before noticed, son of Gen. Put- 
nam, published a counter statement to that of Gen. 
Dearborn, endeavoring to show that Gen. Putnam took 
an active part in the action ; and the federal party ap- 
pointed a committee to procure testimony to that etfect. 
The late Samuel L. Knapp, Esq., was a member of that 
committee, and he stated to a friend of the writer, that 
notices were published inviting old soldiers in the coun- 
try, who were in the battle of Bunker Hill, to come to 
Boston and give testimony of the facts required, and 
that they should be well remunerated for their expenses 
and time. Col. Knapp furthermore said, that he be- 
came disgusted with the manner in which this business 
was conducted, and resigned his place in the com- 
mittee. 



141 

On the principle, it is presumed, that " all's fair in 
politics," an article also appeared in the North Ameri- 
can Review, said to be written by the honorable Dan- 
iel Webster, in which the testimony given in the case 
on both sides is stated, and the weight of evidence de- 
clared to preponderate in favor of the advocates of 
Putnam. If Mr. Webster wrote this article his argu- 
ment should be received with great caution, for he must 
have felt as much interest in the decision of the question 
as he had in any action at law which he ever summed 
up in a court of justice. His given opinion, therefore, 
ought to have no more influence on the public mind 
than the pleadings of a lawyer for his client in a bad 
cause. 

In addition to the foregoing, evidently to suit the oc- 
casion, a new 

" Historical and Topographical Sketch of Bunker 
Hill battle" is manufactured by S. Swett, and indus- 
triously circulated. 

I will take a brief view of this work. It may not be 
amiss to inform the reader, that the copy here used is 
added as an appendix to Humphreys' Life of Putnam, 
and that the pages of the latter, ending with page one 
hundred and sixty-nine, are continued in the appendix. 

Col. Swett prefaces his volume thus : 

" The writer of the following has no ambition or pre- 
tensions to be an author, but from his attention to mili- 
tary subjects, consented to describe a battle, one of the 
most glorious and impoi'tant ever fought in America, 
and to render his feeble contribution to the monument 
of fame which history yet owes our ancestors. The 
materials lay scattered among newspapers, magazines, 
records and files of congress, the scattered surviving 
veterans of the day, and others. He was compelled hy 
circumstances to commence his researches in July, and 
finish his sketch in August." 

By whose solicitation did the author consent to un- 
dertake this job ? What call was there for it at this 



142 

particular time, and especially, that so short a period 
should be allowed for its accomplishment ? The elec- 
tion was near at hand, and it was deemed essential to 
persuade the people that Dearborn, in his description 
of the same battle, had falsified facts; and was conse- 
quently unworthy the confidence of his fellow-citizens ; 
unsafe to be trusted with the power which his friends 
sought to bestow upon him. 

Can any reliance be placed upon a history, induced 
by such motives, and thus hastily written ; more espe- 
cially, when composed of the materials here enumera- 
ted ? No historian, surely, who had the least regard 
to the accuracy of his statements, would confide in 
vewsjHtper reports. And, in this case, much of the tes- 
timony derived from the surviving veterans of the day, 
and others, when the manner in which it has been ob- 
tained is taken into consideration, is, perhaps, entitled 
to little more respect. But the history must be written, 
and the author was compelled to compose it of the docu- 
ments with which he was furnished ; and he certainly 
has shown a good deal of tact and management in the 
arrangement of them. His employers had reason to 
be satisfied with the performance. 

The country has been inundated with newspaper, 
magazine, and oral traditions of the prowess and hair- 
breadth escapes of Israel Putnam, sufficient to form a 
small volume, exclusive of those recorded in his biog- 
raphy. From these Col. Swett has culled such of those 
respecting the battle of Bunker Hill as he thought best 
suited his purpose, with which he incorporated new re- 
ports, got up for the occasion. 

In the author's preliminary remarks, page 185, he 
observes : 

Connecticut, essentially and undeviatingly republican, 
was behind none of the provinces ia her determined hostility 
to the usurpation and encroachments of the tlironc. To her 
antipathy to royalty the proscribed judges of Charles the 
First had owed their inviolable asylum in her territory. Re^ 



143 

ligious as well as civil liberty was in jeopardy, and the 
former with her was paramount to all earthly considera- 
tions. In her vocabulary, the British troops were the Philis- 
tines, and Putnam, the American Samson, a chosen instrument 
(f) defeat the foe : and fortunately she inspired her own con- 
fidence into all her sister states. 

The most remarkable resemblance between the two 
characters, and which is probably aHuded to here, is 
that each destroyed a ferocious wild beast, a lion and 
a wolf; but still there is a considerable disparity in the 
achievements. Samson "rent him [the lion] as he 
would have rent a kid, and he had nothing in his hand.'''' 
Whereas, Putnam shot the wolf with a musket, charged 
with nine buck-shot ; which any common man might 
iiave done. It has been said, however, that " Putnam 
strangled the ivolf in his arms, after having wounded 
her ;" but this is admitted to be an error. 

By the way, after the account of the wolf-killing had 
gone to press, I received from a gentleman, formerly 
a resident of Pomfret, further information on the sub- 
ject ; and as much has been made of this matter by the 
eulogists of Gen. Putnam, I will here insert an abstract 
of it. The person who gave me the former account, 
stated that he had never visited the cave in question, 
but received his information from others. After all, I 
think it doubtful that any person has entered this fa- 
mous cleft to ascertain its dimensions, since the redoubt- 
able exploit of Putnam ; and I am inclined to believe 
that the account of my correspondent comes nearer the 
truth than any thing hitherto published on the subject. 
He says : 

" The affair of the wolf is simple, but has been ex- 
aggerated. Some neighbors in Pomfret started a wolf, 
and he being closely pursued, found his way to a crev- 
ice of a large rock ; the situation of which is solitary 
and romantic. He was soon dispatched by firing into 
the crevice ; after which Putnam proposed getting him 
out, and his companions having fastened a rope to his 



144 

heels he crept into the crevice and drew out the dead 
wolf, being assisted by his associates hauling the rope. 

" This was the version of the wolf-story for many 
years ; beyond this is bombast and exaggeration, in- 
tended to enhance the courage of Putnam." 

If any danger were to be appreiiended in the case, 
it was that the wolf might not be quite dead. Put- 
nam, however, was well prepared for such event, hav- 
ing liis musket well loaded, — which he doubtless dis- 
charged at the enemy before attempting to lay hands 
upon him, and then gave the signal lor retreat. At his 
second or third entrance into the crevice, it seems, he 
secured his prey. The author continues : 

The whole army was under the command of Artemas 
Ward, commissioned by the provincial congress, on the 21st 
of May, general and commander-in-chief of the Massachu- 
setts forces. His general orders were copied and obeyed by 
the forces of all the other provinces in Massachusetts, indis- 
criminately, and the officers of all of them were ordered on 
courts martial, and detailed for the usual routine of duty 
without anj^ distinction whatever. (Orderly Books.) 

Gen. Ward was a gentleman of liberal education, vigor- 
ous understanding, and distinguished probity. He had been 
a member of the council, speaker of the assembly, and 
chief-justice of one of the courts in Massachusetts, and his 
rank and character commanded an extensive influence in 
the country. He had also served with reputation in the war 
of 1756, was a lieutenant-colonel at the storming [attempted] 
of Ticonderoga, under Gen. Abercrombie,' and soon after 
commanded the regiment. 

THE BATTLE. 

On the 16th of June, 1775, with the advice of the coun- 
cil of war, Gen. Ward issued orders to Col. William Pres- 
cott, to the commander of Col. Frye's regiment, and Col. 
Bridge, to be prepared for an expedition, with all their men 
fit for service, and one day's provisions. The same order 
issued for one hundred and twenty of Gen. Putnam's regi- 
ment, and one company of artillery with two field-pieces. 



145 

With these troops Col. Prescott was ordered to proceed to 
Charlestown in the evening, take possession of Bunker Hill, 
and erect the requisite fortifications to defend it. His or- 
ders were to be kept profoundly secret, and provisions and 
refi'eshments were to be sent in the morning, with as many 
more troops as should be necessary to reinforce him. 

Not an officer in the army could have been selected more 
worthy the honor, or more adequate to the arduous under- 
taking than Col. Prescott. In this veteran, age already be- 
gan to display its ravages ; but the fire of his youth was 
undamped. He was of Pepperell, and was early left in 
affluence by the decease of his father. He soon received a 
commission in the provincial army, and, with many of his 
neighborhood who enlisted, he joined the forces under Gen. 
Winslow, and assisted in the conquest of Nova Scotia. His 
military talents attracted instant admiration, and he was urged 
by the British officers to accept a commission in the royal ar- 
my. Attachment to his brave soldiers and countrymen, how- 
ever, did not permit him to separate himself from them, and he 
returned to his estate. The soldiers who had served under 
him still considered him their head. Like the chief of some 
feudal clan, he received them all with open doors at his hos- 
pitable mansion. In the habits he had acquired in camps 
his property was expended for their relief, comfort, or enter- 
tainment, as freely as they were ready on every occasion 
to shed their blood for his honor, and under his command. 

His figure was tall and commanding, and his countenance 
grave, ardent, and impressive as his. character. With this 
presence, and his long and formidable sword, he needed no 
■jniform to distinguish him as a leader. In a simple calico 
frock,* he headed the detachment of about one thousand 
men, who left camp at dark, and proceeded to Charlestown. 
Col. Prescott led the way with two sergeants, having dark 
lanterns, open only to the rear, about six paces in front of 
the troops. 

Gen. Putnam, having the general superintendence of the 
expedition, and the chief engineer. Col. Gridley, accompa- 
nied the troops. Profound mystery hung over the object of 

* It will be shown, in the sequel, that the description here given of the 
costume of ("ol. Prescott on this occasion is incorrect. — Edit. V. R. 

13 



146 

the expedition till they crossed Charlestown neck and found 
the wagons loaded with intrenching tools. 

At daybreak Gen. Putnam ordered Lieut. Clark to send 
and request of Gen. Ward a horse for him to ride to Bunker 
Hill. The lieutenant went himself, but the general's impa- 
tience could not await an answer. On his return he found 
him mounted and departing. 

The latter paragraph tends to discredit the fornier ; 
because, if Putnam had gone on to the hill with the troops, 
as general superintendent of the expedition, it can hard- 
ly be conceived that he would have quit his post, and 
be found snug in Cambridge the next morning at day- 
break. 

The superintendence of a military expedition, by the 
way, must necessarily be confided to the commanding 
officer, otherwise a conflict of opinion might prevent 
the success of the enterprise. The probability is, that 
Gen. Putnam was not made privy to this expedition 
till after the troops detailed for the purpose had de- 
parted. 

The author, in speaking of Warren's arrival at Bun- 
ker Hill, says : 

He joined Gen. Putnam, and they consulted on measures 
to be pursued. Gen. Putnam informed him, that " from 
long experience he perfectly comprehended the character of 
the British army ; they would ultimately succeed and drive us 
from the works, but from the mode of attack they had chosen, 
it was in our power to do them infinite mischief, though we 
must be prepared for a brave and orderly retreat, when we 
could maintain our ground no longer." Warren expressed 
his full assent to these opinions, and agreed to he governed 
by them. 

Warren, on the contrary, according to all previous 
accounts of the battle, appeared to anticipate victory, 
and exerted, all his energies to produce that result. 
Gen. Putnam unfortunately never seemed to have con- 
fidence in himself, nor in the troops he commanded, 
when contending with British forces. 



147 

Mr. Peabody gives another version to the meeting 
of Warren and Putnam. There is no knowing which 
to believe, nor from whence they obtained their infor- 
mation. He says — " A single horseman rode at full 
speed over Bunker Hill, and encountered Gen. Putnam. 
It was Gen. Warren ; and Putnam ofTei-ed to receive 
his orders. Warren replied^ that he came only as a 
volunteer, and desired to know where his services 
would be most useful. Putnam pointed to the redoubt, 
remarking that he would be covered there. ' I came 
not,' said Warren, ' for the purpose of security ; tell 
me where the onset will be most severe.' ' Go, then, 
to the redoubt,' said Putnam ; ' Prescott is there, and 
will do his duty ; if that can be defended, the day is 
ours.' Warren rode forward to the redoubt, where he i 
was received with loud acclamations." 

Had Putnam followed the counsel himself, which he 
is here said to have given Warren, and gone to the re- 
doubt with four or five hundred men of those uselessly 
retained upon Bunker Hill, the redoubt would unques- 
tionably have been defended, the day would have been 
ours, and Putnam justly entitled to the applause of his 
country. 

Putnam was anxious and mortified that a post, on which 
his defence and reputation so materially depended, should be 
entirely neglected. His mother wit, cultivated in the school 
of experience, under British officers, the most distinguished 
masters of the day, perfectly comprehended the immense im- 
portance of entrenching. He seemed to have intuitively 
seized the maxims of Caesar's learned campaigns, as well as 
to anticipate the scientific results of such modern defences as 
Gen. Jackson's. He ordered the entrenching tools to be car- 
ried by a large detachment to the rear. 

The first division of the enemy awaiting the remainder of 
the detachment, which had not yet embarked, were quietly 
dining, and most of them for the last time, from their crowd- 
ed and cumbrous knapsacks. 

Gen. Putnam seized the opportunity of hastening to Cam- 
bridge, whence he returned with the reinforcements. He had 



148 

to pass a galling enfilading fire o? round, har and chain shot, 
which thundered across the neck from the Glasgow frigate 
in the channel of Charles river, and two floating batteries 
hauled close to the shore. 

And now the brave Stark arrived with his regiment. Gen. 
Putnam reserved a part of it, to throw up a work on Bunker 
Hill, and ordered him to press on to the lines as quick as 
possible, with the remainiler. They proceeded with the 
other New Hampshire regiment under Col. Reed, and joined 
the Connecticut troops at the rail fence. 

Did Gen. Putnam expect to get back to the field of 
action before the enemy had finished dinner ? He had 
no authority to order Col. Stark ; but the latter may 
have been induced, at his request, to leave him a part 
of his regiment for the purpose specified,* 

It will be remarked, however, that the entrenching 
tools had already been sent to the rear by a large de- 
tachment, consisting, it is supposed, of about two hun- 
dred men. And these were drawn from the redoubt, 
instead of ordering a party of the idle men on Bunker 
Hill to perform the service. This bad management, 
and retaining a part of Stark's regiment from the field 
of action, to tJiroiv uy a work on Bunker Hill without 
tools, contributed essentially to decide the fate of the day. 

The removal of the entrenching tools was avowedly 
to prevent their falling into the enemy's hands, in case 
of their carrying the fortifications, and, for that purpose, 
were of course conveyed across Charlestown neck. 
The men detached for the service were not again seen 
on the field of battle that day. Col. Swett admits this 
fact. He says — " The detachment sent off with the en- 
trenching tools, in contempt of their orders, never re- 
turned." (p. 241.) 



* Mr. Peabody gives the same account as Col. Swett/in respect to Put- 
nam's detaining a portion of Stark's regiment on Bunker Hill. And Mr. 
Everett, in his Life of the latter, gives a like relation, upon the authority, 
it i.-5 presumed, of the two former writers ; as no mention is made of it m 
the Memoirs of Stark, which he professes to follow as his guide, in regard 
to the personal history of the subject of his work. 



149 

These tools were doubtless used, on the night suc- 
ceeding the retreat, in throwing up breast-works on 
Winter and Prospect Hills. 

The drums beat to arms. Putnam left his works, com- 
menced on Bunker Hill, and led the troops into action. 

Or, more properly, relinquished the commencement 
of works, having no means, as before shown, for the 
purpose. That Putnam, however, led the troops into 
action, is an allegation entirely gratuitous. The author 
produces no testimony in its support ; besides, it has 
been positively proved not to be the fact. 

Gen. Ward had by this time despatched siifficient reinforce- 
ments, but they did not reach the field. The fire across the 
neck wore an aspect too terrific for raw troops to venture in 
it. Putnam flew to the spot to overcome their fears and 
hurry them on before the enemy returned. He entreated, 
threatened, and encouraged them ; lashing his horse with 
the flat of his sword, he rode backward and fonoard across 
the neck, through the hottest fire, to convince them there was 
no danger. The balls however threw up clouds of dust 
about him, and the soldiers were perfectly convinced that he 
was invulnerable, but not equally conscious of being so them- 
selves.* Some of these troops, however, ventured over. 

That Putnam passed Charlestown neck, in company 
with a reinforcement, that had been ordered to Bunker 
Hill, is not improbable ; and that he rode ahead of tlie 
detachment is highly probable, presuming there would 
be less shot expended at a single object, than when a 
considerable body of men were exposed together. But 
that he rode backward and forward across the neck, as 
here represented, would prove him a madman, unfit to 
command armies. Putnam, throughout the whole of 
his military career, has shown too much common sense 
and prudence, thus uselessly to expose his person. The 
ridiculous experiment is also stated to have proved of 

* The principal fact here is proved by the deposition of Mr. Samuel Bas- 
sett; the other circumstances oy oral testimony. 

13* 



150 

no avail, as it did not convince the troops there wa^ no 
danger, but the contrary. 

But after all the parade made with Gen. Putnam in 
respect to reinforcements, of what benefit was it, so 
long as they were not brought into action ? " All the 
reinforcements," says Gen. Wilkinson, " which arrived 
at Bunker Hill, after Col. Stark had passed, halted and 
kept company with Gen. Putnam and Col. Gerrish." 

Gen. Putnam left the neck for Bunker Hill to hring np 
the reinforcements. The men were disorganized and dis- 
persed on the west side of the hill, and covered by the sum- 
mit from the fire. Putnam ordered them on to the lines ; 
he entreated and threatened them, and some of the most 
cowardly he knocked doion with Ms sword, but all in vain. 
The men complained they had not their officers ; he offered 
to lead them on himself, but " the cannon were deserted and 
they stood no chance witliout them." The battle indeed ap- 
peared here in all its horrors. The British musketry ^rerZ 
high, and took effect on this elevated hill, and it was com- 
pletely exposed to the combined fire from their ships, bat- 
teries, and field-pieces. 

What inconsistency ! Gen. Putnam having just made 
a requisition on Col. Stark for men to assist in raising 
his works on Bunker Hill, is at the same time endeav- 
oring to drive off others to the field of action at Breed's 
Hill. If these men declined fighting, surely they would 
not refuse to work, for their own security. " The men 
complained they had not their officers." This does not 
appear, however, to have been the fact ; there was CoL 
Gerrish at the head of his regiment, by the side of Gen. 
Putnam, and it is not alleged that any of the officers 
left their corps. The story seems void of foundation, 
the sheer imagination of the writer. No one is found 
to vouch for it. The original biographer of Gen. Put- 
nam, who claims to have derived his information imme- 
diately from the general, makes no mention of the cir- 
cumstances here detailed. Col. Humphreys says: ''In 
this battle, the i^resence and example of Gen. Putnam, 



151 

who arrived with the reinforcement, were not less con- 
spicuous than useful." But, according to the foregoing 
statement, the presence of Gen. Putnam was of no avail ; 
in fact, it seemed like an incubus, paralyzing the ener- 
gies of all around him. They followed his example, 
however, in keeping clear of the action. 

All that Putnam could with propriety do, in the situ- 
ation in w'hich he stood, was, like Gen. Warren, to have 
rushed into the battle as a volunteer. He had no right 
to command a single soldier ; but as the troops seem not 
to have been aware of this, it is surprising his influence 
should have had so little weight as represented, and it, 
therefore, remains in doubt whether he exercised or not 
any influence in the manner stated. No other officers 
complained of the disobedience of the soldiers ; they 
had only to intimate their wll, to have it immediately 
put in execution. Gen. Putnam alone required physical 
force, and that even seems to have proved unavailing, 
in producing obedience to his commands. 

The advance of the enemy were in full view of the Ame- 
ricans. Putnam now, with the assistance of Capt. Ford's 
company, opened his artillery upon them. He had on this 
day performed the service o? general, engine er oxvA guide, and 
he now turned cannonier, with splendid success, and to the 
highest satisfaction of his surrounding countrymen. Each 
company of artillery had but twelve cartridges, and these 
were soon expended. He pointed the cannon himself, the 
balls took effect on the enemy, and one case^of canister made 
a lane through them. As in Milton's battle, . 

" Foul dissipation followed and forced rout." 

There seems to be some difficulty in giving Putnam 
his proper title upon this occasion. Col. Swett had be- 
fore dubbed him general-superintendent, which, perhaps, 
comprehends all the above-mentioned titles. Passing 
his generalship, of which enough has been said, I must 
observe, that the route from Cambridge to Bunker Hill 
was probably too well ktown to require a guide ; and 



152 ^ 

as to cannonier, none was necessary, no use being made 
of the artillery. Gen. Dearborn observes — " The fixed 
ammunition, furnished for the field-pieces, was calcula- 
ted for guns of a larger caliber, which prevented the 
use of field artillery." It was, perhaps, fortunate that 
the cannon balls proyided were too large for the field- 
pieces, by which means, the powder, intended for the 
cannon, was reserved for the small-arms. 

There can be no wonder, that the author, in giving 
this description, should have adverted to Milton's war 
in heaven, the poetry of the one corresponding with 
that of the other. 

The Americans made every preparation possible to repel 
the last desperate effort of the enemy. Putnam again rode 
to the rear, and exhausted every art and effort to bring on 
the scattered reinforcements. Capt. Bayley, only, of Col. 
Gerrish's regiment, advanced to the lines, and Capt. Trevett 
now arrived at the rail fence v^^ith his pieces. 

The Americans collected and made a brave and arderly re- 
treat. Putnam put spurs to his foaming horse and threw himself' 
between the retreating force and the enemy, who were but twelve 
rods from him ;* his countrymen were in momentary expec- 
tation of seeing this compeer of the immortal Warren fall. 
He entreated them to rally and renew the fight, to finish his 
works on Bunker Hill, and again give the enemy hattle on that 
unassailable position, and pledged his honor to restore to them 
an easy victory. Capt. Smith of Gen. Ward's regiment came 
with his company to reinforce, joined in the retreat, and as- 
sisted to keep tlie enemy at bay. 

The Americans bad retreated about twenty rods before the 
enemy had time to rally and pour in a destructive fire on 
them, which destroyed more than they had lost before during 
the day. Col. Prescott's adjutant was shot and crippled, 
Capt. Dow, of bis regiment, was also crippled by a wound in 
the leg, and Capt. Bancroft bad a part of his hand carried off. 

* Deposition of Lyman, then a lieutenant, and present, and Miner, a pri- 
vate in the same company- This is confirmed too by the testimony of a 
distinguished oiTicer of the revolution, yet living, w4io had served with 
Gen. Putnam in the French war, and was present himself and badly 
wounded. 



153 

The American left wing were openly congratulating them- 
selves on their victory, when their flank was opened by the 
retreat of the right. The enemy pressed on them, and they 
were in their turn compelled to retire. Putnam covered their 
retreat with his Connecticut troops, and dared the utmost fury 
of the enemy, in the rear of the whole. These pursued with 
little ardor, but poured in their thundering volleys, and s/iojt'- 
ers of balls fell like hail around the general* 

He addressed himself to every passion of the troops, to 
persuade them to rally, to throw up his toorks on Bunker Hill, 
and make a stand, and, as the last resort, threatened them 
with the eternal disgrace of deserting their general. He 
took his stand near a field-piece, and seemed resolved to brave 
the foe alone. His troops, however, felt it impossible to with- 
stand the overwhelming force of the British bayonets ; they 
left him. One sergeant only dared to stand by his general 
to the last ; he was shot down, and the enemy's bayonets were 
just upon the general, before he retired. 

A casual reader would be apt to think the bombastic 
description of Gen. Putnam's prowess here given was 
sheer burlesque, intended by the writer to throw ridi- 
cule upon his pretensions ; but no such design was en- 
tertained. It is the common language used by authors 
generally when treating of Gen. Putnam, the American 
Samson, and, moreover, is perfectly in character with 
the subject thereof. I have the utmost confidence in 
the testimony here adduced ; bating a few trifling mis- 
takes which might easily occur. For instance, Putnam, 
with his Connecticut troops, did not cover the retreat. 
" No reinforcement of men, nor ammunition," says Gen. 
Dearborn, " were sent to our assistance ; and, instead 
of attempting to cover the retreat of those who had 
expended their last shot in the face of the enemy, he 
[Putnam] retreated in company with Col. Gerrish and 



* This fact we have from a respectable friend, who was present and yet 
lives, PhiUp Johnson, Esq., of Newburyport. His honor and veracity is 
surpassed by no man's. See also deposition of Capt. Hills, then ensign to 
Knowlton. 



154 

his whole force, without discharging a single musket." 
This statement is confirmed by Col. Prescott. 

The witnesses brought forward, in this case, were 
young men at the time, and seeing the fuming and blus- 
tering of the general, they would naturally look upon 
him as a paragon of heroism. But, it must be borne in 
mind, that this vain show was after the battle was lost ; 
and to think then of raising a breastwork upon Bunker 
Hill, and that too without tools, and making a stand 
there, would have been sheer madness, an insult to the 
brave men who had survived the contest. This Put- 
nam could have had no idea of attempting, whatever 
pretensions may be made to the contrary. For, ac- 
cording to Col. Swett's report of his declaration to Gen. 
Warren, he had no expectation of maintaining the po- 
sition. And, besides, Mr. Swett admits, that tlie en- 
trenching tools had been sent off. A few of these, it 
seems, remained scattered in different places, a part of 
which Gen. Putnam had collected and slung upon his 
horse, for the purpose of bearing them out of the reach 
of the enemy, and not with a view of erecting a fortifi- 
cation upon Bunker Hill. By his raving and dashing 
about, however, with his ^^ foaming horse," he acquired 
what, from his former experience, he had reason to ex-" 
pect, the applause of the multitude. And he left the 
field a hero of the first order, " the bravest of the brave," 
and has continued to be so regarded to the present day. 

Finally, if the foregoing inflated and extravagant re- 
lations respecting Gen. Putnam continue to obtain pub- 
lic confidence, there can be no limits to human credu- 
lity, and sober reason and common sense will in vain 
plead for consideration — they will be looked upon as 
flat and insipid in comparison with such exalted con- 
ceptions. 

What seems mostly to be relied upon by Col. Swett, 
and to sustain which he advances his strongest testi- 
mony, is the swaggering, fighting attitude assumed by 
Putnam at the catastrophe, the closing scene of the 



155 

drama. This, however, is not contradicted, but con- 
ceded in its fullest latitude, bating his remaining at the 
cannon till the enemy were close upon him. 

AN ORATION 

Was delivered at Charlestown, Massachusetts, on the 
17th of June, 1841, in commemoration of the Battle 
of Bunker Hill, by George E. Ellis. Although the or- 
ator evidently wished to give an impartial history of 
this eventful scene, he appears to have labored under 
embarrassment in consequence of the political turn 
which had been given to the discussion, in respect to 
the part taken by individuals in the contest ; and, by 
taking a middle course, he endeavors to escape the 
censure of either party which had entered into contro- 
versy on the subject. In doing this, his statements in 
some instances are in opposition to what, I believe, has 
been clearly proved in the foregoing pages. His re- 
flections, however, are very interesting and valuable. 
He has ventured to give full credit to the real hero of 
that memorable day, Col. William Prescott, in opposi- 
tion to all other claimants whatever. The following 
are extracts from the oration : 

On the 15th of June, the Committee of Safety, by a se- 
cret vote, which was not recorded till the 19th, advised the 
taking possession of Bunker Hill and the Dorchester Heights. 
On the next day the provincial congress, as a counterblast 
to Gen. Gage's proclamation, by which Hancock and Adams 
had been excepted from the proffer of a general amnesty, 
issued a like instrument, in which Gen. Gage and Admiral 
Graves were the scape-goats. 

It was amid the full splendor, luxuriance and heat of our 
summer, when rich crops were waving upon all the hills 
and valleys around us, that the council of war decided to 
carry into execution the vote of the Committee of Safety. 
We may omit the question as to the prudence or discretion 
of the measure, as being equally difficult of decision and 
unimportant, save as the misgivings of those who predicted 



156 

that the deficiency of ammunition would endanger a failure, 
were proved by the result to be well grounded. 

On Friday, June 16th, the very day upon which Wash- 
ington was officially informed in the congress at Philadel- 
pWa, of his appointment to the command of the continental 
army about to be enlisted, Gen. Ward issued orders to Cols. 
Prescottand Bridge, and the commandant of Col. Frye's reg- 
iment, to have their men ready and prepared for immediate 
service. They were all yeomen from Middlesex and Essex 
counties, and were habituated to the hard labors of a farm 
beneath a summer's sun. Capt. Gridley's new company of 
artillery, and one hundred and twenty men from the Con- 
necticut regiment, under the command of Capt. Knowlton, 
were included in the order. 

Twenty-three years ago a controversy ai'ose concerning 
the command of this expedition. Who was its commander, 
rightfully or actually ? This question, which became most 
unfortunately mingled with party politics, was most earnest- 
ly and passionately discussed. The only decisive evidence 
which both parties would have admitted to be satisfactory, 
would consist in the production of the order which came 
from Gen. Ward ; this, however, is not in existence. Judge- 
Advocate Tudor, who presided at the court martials institu- 
ted by Gen. Washington on his arrival at Cambridge, said 
that Col. Prescott appeared to have been the chief. The 
contradictory and discordant statements of those who, hav- 
ing been engaged in the field at different places and at dif- 
ferent hours, were called upon during the controversy to 
make depositions as to who was the commander-in-chief, are 
to be accounted for by the lapse of time and the effects of 
age ; and besides, great allowances are to be made on ac- 
count of the confusion in the army, and the hurried and un- 
systematic character of the expedition. He who led the 
detachment and fulfilled the order, probably received the or- 
der. The order was to intrench, and to defend the intrench- 
ments ; this order was fulfilled by night and by day, by the 
body of men whom Prescott led from Cambridge to Charles- 
town, and by the reinforcements who joined them. There 
is no evidence that Prescott received any order from any 
other officer besides Gen. Ward. At any rate, he under- 



157. 

stood till the day of his death, that he had the command of 
the expedition. A fair and impartial detail of the action, if 
so be we are able to present it, will be sufficient to sEltisfy 
the simple desire for the simple truth. 

Col. Gridley accompanied as chief engineer. Three com- 
panies of Bridge's regiment did not go, but as small parties 
of otlier regiments fell into the detachment, it consisted of 
about one thousand men. They took with them provisions 
for one meal. Col. Prescott was ordered to take possession 
of, to fortify and to defend Bunker Hill, but to keep the pur- 
pose of the expedition secret, nor was it known to the men 
until they found the wagons on Charlestov/n neck, laden 
with the intrenching tools. The detachment was drawn up 
upon Cambridge Common, in front of Gen. Ward's head- 
quarters, after sunset, when prayers were offered by the 
Rev. Pres. Langdon, and about nine o'clock the expedition 
was in motion ; Prescott, with two sergeants carrying dark- 
lanterns open in the rear, leading the way. Though Pres- 
cott has frequently been represented in accounts of the bat- 
tle as dressed in the working garb of a farmer, and appears 
in Trumbull's painting as v/earing a slouched hat and bear- 
ing a musket, he was in reality arrayed in a simple and ap- 
propriate military costume, a three-cornered hat, a blue 
coat with a single row of buttons, lapped up and faced ; and 
he wore his well-proved sword. This statement may be 
thought a trivial correction, but it sometimes happens that 
important facts depend upon small particulars. As he was 
sensible to the effects of the heat, and expected warm ser- 
vice, he took with him a linen coat, or banyan, which he 
wore in the engagement. 

The order designated Bunker Hill as the position to be 
taken. But by mounting it we can ourselves see that, com- 
manded as it might be by shipping in the rivers, and by de- 
fences upon Breed's Hill, it would have been altogether un- 
tenable, except in connection with the latter summit, while 
for all purposes of restraining and annoying the enemy in 
Boston, Breed's Hill was far superior. Much time, hov/ever, 
was consumed in deliberation, after the. detachment had 
crossed the neck, and it was only after the repeated and ur- 
gent warnings of the engineer that longer delay would nul- 

14 



158 

lify all their labors, that the works were commenced upon 
Breed's Hill about midnight. In the account of the engage- 
ment afterwards prepared by the Massachusetts congress, it 
is said that Breed's Hill was fortified by mistake. The rea- 
son for this statement is not apparent. Undoubtedly if both 
summits had been fortified, and defended by troops wej[l pro- 
vided with ammunition, the provincials would have main- 
tained their ground, but they could not have prevented the 
design of the British in occupying the heights without se- 
curing Breed's Hill. As the summits are not within mus- 
ket-shot, and as the British would certainly have occupied 
Breed's Hill, if not first taken by the provincials, our scan- 
ty ammunition and weak artillery would have been of but 
little avail. * * * * * 

It has been asserted by two or three persons, and contra- 
dicted by others, who were together working by night upon 
the intrenchments, that Gen. Putnam was there, directing, 
encouraging, and aiding. As we have no certainty that he 
was then in the works, of course we cannot decide whether 
he had any part in their construction. He may have rode 
over the neck with or after the dej^chment, and he would 
have been a most welcome counsellor. As Putnam was 
met the next forenoon, coming from Cambridge to Charles- 
town, by Maj. Brooks, who was sent to Gen. Ward with a 
message from Col. Prescott, he must have left the redoubt, 
if he had been in it at all, in the course of the night, or very 
early in the morning. * * * * 

The instant that the first beams of light marked distinctly 
the outlines of the Americans, and of their intrenchments 
upon the hill, the cannon of the Lively, which floated near- 
est, opened a hot fire upon them, at the same time arousing 
the sleepers in Boston to come forth as spectators or actors 
in the cruel tragedy. The other armed vessels, some float- 
ing batteries, and the battery on Cop's Hill, combined to 
pour forth their volleys, uttering a startling and dismal note 
of preparation for the day's conflict. But the works, though 
not completed, were in a state of such forwardness that the 
missiles of destruction fell harmless, and the intrenchers 
continued to strengthen their position. The enemy in Bos- 
ton could scarcely credit their eyesight. Prescott, the hero 



159 

of the day, with whom its' proudest fame should rest, was 
undaunted, ardent, and full of heroic energy. He planned 
and directed, he encouraged the men, he mounted the works, 
and, with his bald head uncovered and his commanding 
frame, he was a noble personification of a patriot cause. 
Some of the men incautiously ventured from the works, 
when one of them was instantly killed by a cannon shot. 
This first victim was buried in the ditch, and his companions 
were fearfully warned of the fatalities which the day would 
bring yet nearer to them. 

When the orders had been issued at Cambridge, the night 
before, to those who had thus complied with them, refresh- 
ments and reinforcements had been promised in the morning. 
Thus some of the men might have thought they had fulfilled 
their part of the work, and were entitled to relief, or were 
at liberty to depart. Some few, when the first victim fell, 
left the hill and did not return. Those who remained were 
exhausted with their toil, and without food or water, and the 
morning was already intensely hot. The officers, sympa- 
thizing with their situation and sufferings, requested Prescott 
to send to Cambridge for relief He summoned a council 
of war, but was resolute against the petition, saying that the 
enemy would not venture an attack, and if they did venture, 
would be defeated ; that the men who had raised the works 
were best able to defend them, and deserved the honor of the 
victory ; that they had already learned to despise the fire of 
the enemy. The vehemence of Prescott infused new spirit 
into the men, and they resolved to stand the dread issue. 
Prescott ordered a guard to the ferry to prevent a landing 
there. He was seen by Gage, who was reconnoitering from 
Cop's Hill, and who inquired of Counsellor Willard, by his 
side, " Who is that officer commanding?" Willard recog- 
nised his brother-in-law, and named Col. Prescott^ " Will 
he fight ?" asked Gage. The answer was, " Yes, sir, de- 
pend upon it, to the last drop of blood in him ; but I cannot 
answer for his men." Yet Prescott could answer for his 
men, and that amounted to the same thing. * * * * 

By nine o'clock the preparations in Boston, heard and seen 
by Prescott on the hill, informed him of the determination 
of the British to attack. He therefore gave up his first opin- 



160 

ion, that they would not dare to resist hnn, and comforted 
himself and his men with the promise of certain and glori- 
ous victory. He sent Maj. Brooks to Gen. Ward, to urge 
the necessity of his being reinforced. Brooks being obliged 
to proceed on foot, as Capt. Gridley would not risk one of 
his artillery horses to pass the neck, which was swept by 
the Glasgow frigate, arrived about ten o'clock at head-quar- 
ters, where the Committee of Safety were then in session. 
Brooks' urgency, seconded by the solicitations of Richard 
Devens, a member of the committee, and a citizen of Charles- 
town, induced Gen. Ward to order that Cols. Reed and 
Stark, then at Medford, should reinforce Prescott with the 
New Hampshire troops. The companies at Chelsea were 
then recalled, and the order reached Medford at eleven 
o'clock. • The men were as speedily as possible provided 
with ammunition, though much time was consumed in the 
preparation. Each man received two flints, a gill of powder, 
and fifteen balls. They were without cartridge-boxes, and 
used powder-horns and pouches, or their pockets, as substi- 
tutes, and in making up their cartridges they were obliged 
to beat and shape their balls according to the different cali- 
bre of their guns. ****** 

It was of vital necessity that every charge of powder and 
ball spent by the Americans should take eflect. There were 
none for waste. The officers commanded their men to with- 
hold their fire till the enemy were within eight rods, and 
when they could see the whites of their eyes, to aim at their 
waistbands, also to " aim at the handsome coats, and pick 
off" the commanders." As the British left wing came within 
gun-shot the men in the redoubt could scarcely restrain their 
fire, and a few discharired their pieces. Prescott, indignant 
at this disobedience, vowed instant death to any one who 
should repeat it,* and promised, by the confidence which 
they reposed in him, to give the command at tlie proper mo- 
ment. His lieutenant-colonel, Robinson, ran round the top 
of the works and knocked up the muskets. When the space 
between the assailants and the redoubt was narrowed to the 
appointed span, the word was spoken at the moment ; the 

*This declaration has been borrowed from Prescott and given to Putnam. 
Edit. V. R. 



161 

deadly flashes burst forth, and the green grass was crimson- 
ed with the life-blood of hundreds. The front rank was 
nearly obliterated, as were its successive substitutes, as the 
Americans were well protected and v/ere deliberate in their 

Qjjryj^ % * H« ^ ^ % 

The British officers were seen to goad on some of their 
reluctant men with their swords. It was for them now to 
receive the fire, and to reserve their own till they could fol- 
low it by a thrust of the bayonet. Each shot of the provin- 
cials was true to its aim. Col. Abercrombie, Majs. Wil- 
liams and Spendlove fell. Gen. Howe was wounded in the 
foot. Hand to hand and face to face, were exchanged the 
last awful hostilities of that day. Only a ridge of earth di- 
vided the grappling combatants, whose feet were slipping 
upon the gory sand while they joined in the mortal strife. 
When the enemy found themselves received with stones, the 
missiles of a more ancient warfare, they knew that their 
work was nearly done, as they now contended with unarm- 
ed men. Young Richardson, of the Royal Irish, was the 
first who scaled the parapet, and he fell, as did likewise the 
first rank that mounted it, among whom Maj. Pitcairn, who 
had shed the first blood at Lexington, was shot by a negro 
soldier. It was only when 4he redoubt was crowded with 
the enemy and the defenders in one promiscuous throng, 
and assailants on all sides were pouring into it, that Pres- 
cott, no less, but even more a hero when he uttered the re- 
luctant word, ordered a retreat. A longer trial would have 
been folly, not courage. Some of the men had splintered 
their musket-stocks in fierce blows, nearly all were defence- 
less, yet there was that left within them, in a dauntless soul, 
which might still help their country at its need. Prescott 
gave the crowning proof of his devoted and magnanimous 
spirit, when he cooled the heat of his own brain, and bore 
the bitter pang in his own heart, by commanding an orderly 
and still resisting retreat. He was the hero of that blood- 
dyed summit — the midnight leader and guard, the morning 
sentinel, the orator of the opening strife, the cool and delib- 
erate overseer of the whole struggle, the well-skilled marks- 
man of the exact distance at which a shot was certain death j 
he was the venerable chief in whose bright eye and steady 

14* 



162 

nerve all read their duty ; and when conduct, skill, and 
courage could do no more, he was the merciful deliverer of 
the remnant. Prescott was the hero of the day, and where- 
ever its tale is told, let him be its chieftain. 

The troops in the redoubt now fought their pathway 
through the encircling enemy, turning their faces towards 
the foe while they retreated with backward steps. Gridley, 
who had planned and defended the works, received a wound, 
and was borne off. Warren was among the last to leave 
the redoubt, and at a short distance from it, a musket-ball 
through his head killed him instantly. When the corpse of 
that illustrious patriot was recognised and identified the next 
viorning by Dr. Jeffries, Gen. Howe thought that this one 
victim well repaid the loss of numbers of his mercenaries. 
It is not strange that, both in English and American narra- 
tives of that day, and in some subsequent notices of it, War- 
ren should have been represented as the commander of the 
provincial forces. His influence and his patriotism were 
equally well known to friend and foe. There is no more 
delicate task than to divide among many heroes the honors 
of a battle-field, and the rewards of devoted service. Yet 
the high-minded will always appreciate the integrity of the 
motive which seeks to distinguish between the places and 
the modes of service, where those who alike love their coun- 
try enjoy the opportunity of securing the laurels of heroism 
and devotion. The council-chamber and the forum, and 
the high place- in the public assembly, offer to the patriot- 
statesman the opportunity for winning remembrance and 
honor to his name ; the battle-field must retain the same 
liigh privilege for the patriot-soldier, for there alone can he 
earn the wreath. Let the chivalry and the magnanimity 
of Warren for ever fill a brilliant page in our history, but 
let not a partial homage attach to him the honor to which 
another has a rightful claim. It was no part of his pure 
purpose, in mingling with his brethren on that field, to mo- 
nopolize its honors and to figure as its hero. It is enough 
that he stood among equals in devotion and patriotism. Let 
it be remembered that he did not approve the measure of 
thus challenging a superior enemy with such insufficient 
preparation: the more honorable, therefore, was his self- 



1G3 

sacrifice, in giving the whole energy of his will to falsify tne 
misgivings of his judgment. Here, then, is his claim, which, 
when fully allowed, leaves the honors of that summit to the 
leader of the heroic band. ***** 

Prescott repaired to head-quarters to make return of his 
trust. He was indignant at the loss of the battle, and im- 
plored Gen. Ward to commit to him three fresh regiments, 
promising with them to win back the day. But he had al- 
ready honorably accomplished all that his country might 
demand. He complained bitterly that the reinforcements, 
which might have given to his triumph the completeness that 
was needed to make it a victory, had failed him. 

I will close the subject of the Bunker Hill battle with 
the following notice, which lately appeared in the New 
York Commercial Advertiser. It may not be generally 
known, that Mr. Bancroft is now publishing a History 
of the United States, from the discovery of the Ameri- 
can continent, which is spoken of with the highest ap- 
probation. He has come to the same conclusion as has 
been expressed in the foregoing sheets, in respect to the 
cause of Putnam's escaping the sentence of a court 
martial. 

Although Gen. Putnam brought to the battle ground 
no reinforcements, a sufficient number" were sent by 
Gen. Ward, the greater part of which stopped with the 
former and Col. Gerrish on Bunker Hill. These were 
supposed to amount to about one thousand two hun- 
dred, and to be equal to the number of Americans en- 
gaged in the action. Their retention, it is evident, 
caused the loss of the battle ; and Mr. Bancroft has 
doubtless so expressed himself in his lecture. 

" Mr. Bancroft has been delivering a lecture in Bos- 
ton, the subject of which was the battle of Bunker Hill. 
It is spoken of as one of the author's ablest and most 
brilliant performances. Upon one point, that of the 
questioned presence and merits of Gen. Putnam in that 
battle, Mr. Bancroft had taken great pains in his prepa- 
ration. The result of his researches has been to settle 



164 

the point. The commander was Col. Prescott — not 
Gen. Putnam. Nor did the latter take any efficient 
part in the engagement. Before it commenced he went 
to the rear to bring up reinforcements. Putnam re- 
appeared before the battle was over, but without the 
reinforcements. The loss of the day was attributed to 
their absence. An inquiry upon the subject was insti- 
tuted by Washington, and ihe reason that Putnam 
escaped censure was the fact that he was not in any 
command during the day." 



165 



CHAPTER VI. 

BATTT.E OF LONG ISLAND. 

After the battle of Bunker Hill, the next conspicuous 
and responsible situation in which Gen. Putnam appears, 
was at the battle of Long Island. 

Col. Humphreys gives but a slight sketch of this 
event, of which the following is the most essential : 

On the 22d day of August, [1776,] the van of the British 
landed on Long Island, and was soon followed by the whole 
army, except one brigade of Hessians, a small body of Brit- 
ish, and some convalescents, left on Staten Island. Our 
troops on Long Island had been commanded during the 
summer by Gen. Greene, who was now sick ; and Gen. Put- 
nam took tiie command hut two days [four days] before the 
battle of Flatbush. The instructions to him, pointing in the 
first place to decisive expedients for suppressing the scatter- 
ing, unmeaning, and wasteful fire of our men, contained' 
regulations for the service of the guards, the brigadiers and 
the field-officers of the day ; for the appointment and encour- 
agement of proper scouts, as well as for keeping the men 
constantly at their posts. To these regulations were added 
exhortations for the soldiers to conduct themselves manfully 
in such a cause, andybr their commander to oppose the enemy'' s 
approach loith detachments of his best troops ; while he should 
endeavor to render their advance more difficult by construct- 
ing abattis, and to entrap their parties by forming a?nhuscadcs. 
Gen. Putnam was within the lines, when an engagement took 
place on the 27th, between the British army and our ad- 
vanced corps, in which we lost about a thousand men in 
killed and missing, with the generals Sullivan and Lord 
Stirling made prisoners. But our men, though attacked on 



166 

all sides, fought with great bravery ; and the enemy's loss 
was not light. 

The unfortunate battle of Long Island, the masterly retreat 
from thence, and the actual passage of part of the hostile 
fleet in the East river, above the town, preceded the evacua- 
tion of New York. 

To the foregoing I add the account of that affair by 
Judge Marshall, in his Life of Gen, Washington ; which 
has the most undoubted claims to authenticity, being 
" compiled under the inspection of the Hon. Bushrod 
Washington, from original papers, bequeathed to him 
by his deceased relative, and now [at the time of his 
writing] in possession of the author." 

I shall notice only such leading points as go to show 
the cause of the terrible disasters of that day. 

" As the defence of Long Island was intimately con- 
nected with that of New York, a brigade had very early 
been stationed there, and had taken a strong position at 
Brooklyn, capable of being maintained for a considera- 
ble time. This post, communicating immediately with 
York island, might easily be reinforced, or abandoned, 
as occasion should require, and there an extensive 
camp had been marked out and fortified. * * * 

" Maj. Gen. Greene originally commanded on Long 
Island, but he being unfortunately taken extremely ill, 
was superseded by Gen. Sullivan. * * * The 
movements of the enemy soon indicated an intention to 
make their first attack on Long Island, in consequence 
of which Gen. Sullivan was strongly reinforced. Early 
in tlie morning of the 22d the principal part of the Brit- 
ish troops, and Col. Donlop's corps of chasseurs and 
Hessian grenadiers, with forty pieces of cannon, landed 
without opposition, under cover of the guns of the fleet, 
near LTtrecht and Gravesend. 

" Maj. Gen. Putnam was now directed to take com- 
mand at Brooklyn, which camp was reinforced with 
six regiments ; and he ivas charged most earnestly by 
the commander-in-chief to be in constant readiness for 



167 

an attack, and to guard the woods between the two camps 
with his best troops. 

" In front of the camp was a range of hills covered 
with thick woods, which extended from east to west 
nearly the length of the island, and across which were 
three roads leading to Brooklyn ferry. These hills, 
though steep, are everywhere passable by infantry. 

" About nine o'clock at night. Gen. Clinton silently 
drew off the van of the army, consisting of the light 
infantry, grenadiers, light-horse, reserve under Lord 
Cornwallis, and some other corps, with fourteen field- 
pieces, from Flatland, across the country, through that 
part which is called the New Lotts, in order to seize a 
pass in the heights about three miles east of Bedford, 
on the Jamaica road. Arriving entirely undiscovered, 
about two hours before daybreak, within half a mile of 
the pass, he halted to make his dispositions for taking 
possession of it. Here his patrols fell in with and cap- 
tured one of the American parties, which had been 
stationed on this road for the purpose of giving notice 
of the first approach of the enemy in that quarter. 
Learning from his prisoners that the pass was unoccu- 
pied, he immediately seized it ; and on the appearance 
of day, the whole column passed the heights and ad- 
vanced into the level country between them and 
Brooklyn. They were immediately followed by an- 
other column under Lord Percy." (Gen. Howe's letter.) 

•' About three o'clock in the morning. Brig. Gen. Lord 
Stirling was directed, with the two nearest regiments, 
to meet the enemy on the road leading from the Nar- 
rows. Maj. Gen. Sullivan, who commanded all the 
troops without the lines, proceeded with a very consid- 
erable body of New Englanders on the road leading 
directly to Flatbush, and another detachment occupied 
the heights between that place and Bedford. * * * 

" The firing towards Brooklyn gave the first intima- 
tion to the American right, that the enemy had gained 
their rear. ****** 



168 

" The loss sustained by the American army was very 
considerable, but could not be accurately ascertained 
by either party. Gen. Washington did not admit it to 
exceed one thousand men, but in this estimate he could 
only have included the regular troops. In a letter 
written by Gen. Howe, he states the prisoners to have 
amounted to one thousand and ninety-seven, among 
whom were Maj. Gen. Sullivan, Brig. Lord Stirling, 
and Woodhull. He computes the loss of the Americans 
at three thousand three hundred, but this computation 
is probably excessive. The loss of the enemy is stated 
by Gen. Howe at twenty-one officers, and three hun- 
dred and forty-six privates killed, wounded, and taken. 

"The attempt to defend Long Island was so disastrous 
in its issue, and believed to have been so perilous in it- 
self, that persons were not wanting who condemned it ; 
and it is yet represented as a great error in the com- 
mander-in-chief. But in deciding on the wisdom of 
measures, the event will not always lead to a coirect 
judgment. Before a just opinion can be formed, it is 
necessary to consider the previous state of things, to 
weigh the motives which led to the decision, and to 
compare the value of the object and the probability of 
securing it, with the hazards attending the attempt. 

" There was, certainly, in the plan of maintaining Long 
Island considerable hazard ; but not so much as to de- 
monstrate the propriety of relinquishing a post of so 
much importance, without a struggle to preserve it. 

" With much more appearance of reason, the general 
has been condemned for not having guarded the road 
that leads over the hills from Jamaica to Bedford. An 
attention to this object was more particularly the duty 
of the officer commanding the post, whose general written 
instructions, given two days previous to the action, had 
directed that the ivoods should be well guarded, and the 
approach of the enemy through them rendered as difficult 
as possible. 

" The most advisable plan appears to have been, so 



169 

to watch the motions of the enemy, as, if possible, to be 
master of his designs, to oppose with a competent force 
every attempt to seize the heights, and to guard all the 
passes in such a manner as to receive notice of the ap- 
proach through any one of them in sufficient time to 
recall the troops maintaining the others. 

" This plan was adopted ; and the heavy disasters 
of the day are principally attributable to the failure of 
those charged with the execution of that very impor- 
tant part of it, respecting the intelligence from the Ja- 
maica road." 

It thus appears that Gen. Putnam did not fulfil the 
orders of the commander-in-chief, in guarding the 
passes in question. He had a large disposable force 
under his command, amply sufficient for the purpose, 
which remained idle with him iff Brooklyn Heights 
during the struggle. " Gen. Clinton," says Gen. Howe, 
" learning from his prisoners that the pass loas unoc- 
cupied, immediately seized it." These prisoners con- 
sisted probably of some half-dozen men; whereas, one 
hundred or a hundred and fifty were required at that 
pass, to be of any avail. Such number would likely 
have been able to capture the British patrols, and give 
immediate information at head-quarters of the approach 
of the enemy in that quarter. 

" The suspicions of Gen. Putnam," says Marshall, 
^had been very much directed towards the road along 
the coast." And his erroneous judgment, it seems, led 
to his disobedience of orders. Hence the fatal calamity 
of that eventful day, in which the Americans had over 
three thousand men killed, wounded, and taken prison- 
ers. Although the American army might not have been 
able to retain its position on Long Island, still its loss 
would have been far less, had Putnam done his duty. 
There is no possibility of evading this conclusion. By 
his remissness, the enemy passed undiscovered within 
our lines, by which means the American army was 
completely surrounded, and had to fight their way 

15 



170 

through the ranks of the enemy as well as they could ; 
many of whom in the attempt were killed, wounded, or 
taken prisoners. 

By the assigning of Putnam to the command at Brook- 
lyn, it would not appear that he was to supersede Gen. 
Sullivan. Marshall, moreover, says — " Maj. Gen. Sul- 
livan commanded all the troops without the lines." 
Sullivan, however^ entertained a different opinion, as 
will presently be shown. It was proper for Gen. 
Washington to i-emain in New York, for he could not 
know that the descent upon Long Island was not a 
mere finesse, and that the main attack would be on the 
city of New York. It consequently became important 
that some head-quarters should be established on Long 
Island, and Brooklyn was the only convenient station 
for the purpose. Here, moreover, was the grand depot 
of troops, and the officer commanding had the power 
to detach such portions of them as he chose, to give 
aid wherever required, and, therefore, had virtually the 
chief command. This was the most responsible station, 
and the commandant ought to have had a sufficient 
number of mounted men constantly on the alert, to 
give him information from the different positions on the 
lines, every ten or fifteen minutes. Nothing of the kind 
was done, all was left hap-hazard. No intelligence of 
the enemy was received till they were within our lines, 
and the American army was surprised and overwhelm- 
ed in consequence of this criminal neglect. 

That Gen. Putnam considered himself in command 
of all the ti'oops on Long Island is evident from the 
statement of the vigilant, enterprising officer, Col. [then 
major] Aaron Burr, as made to his biographer, and by 
him published as follows : 

" At this time Maj. Gen. Greene commanded on Long 
Island, but his health was so bad, that it became neces- 
sary for him to resign it. The commander-in-chief or- 
dered Gen. Putnam to assume the command. Maj. 
Burr was his aid-de-camp. The landing of the British 



171 

had been previously effected, on the 22d of August, 
without opposition, near Utrecht and Gravesend, on the 
southwest end of the island. The American troops, 
less than twelve thousand, were encamped on the north 
of Brooklyn Heights. The British force was more 
than twenty thousand strong. The armies were sepa- 
rated by a range of hills, at that time covered with 
wood, called the Heights of Gowannus. Maj. Burr 
immediately commenced an inspection of the troops, 
and made to the general a most unfavorable report, 
both as to the means of defence and their discipline. 
Previous to the action, Maj. Burr had expressed to Gen. 
Putnam the opinion, that a battle ought not to be risked. 
He proposed, hovi^ever, several enterprises for beating 
up the quarters of the enemy. To all which Gen. 
Putnam replied, that his orders were not to make any 
attack, but to act on the defensive only." (Davis's 
Mem. A. Burr, vol. 1, p. 98.) 

According to this order, the enemy were not to be 
disturbed till they were perfectly prepared for action ; 
left quietly to choose their own time, and place of attack. 
There must be here some misconception on the part of 
Gen. Putnam. Under the circumstances in which tllfe 
armies were placed, it would seem impossible that the 
commander-in-chief should have given such an order. 
The notorious Gen. Hull acted upon this principle : not 
Washinofton ! 

The following letter explains the views of Gen. Sul- 
livan, in regard to the command at the action on Long 
Island : 

Extract of a letter from Gen. Sullivan to the presi- 
dent of congress : 

" Whitemarch, 26th of October, 1777. 

" I know it has been generally reported, that I com- 
manded on Long Island when the action happened 
there. This is by no means true. Gen. Putnam had 
taken the command from me four days before the ac- 



172 

tion. Lord Stirling commanded the main body with- 
out the Unes. I was to have commanded under Gen. 
Putnam within the hnes. I was uneasy about a road, 
through which I had often foretold that the enemy 
would come, hut could not pmsuade others to he of my 
opinion. I went to the hill near Flatbush to reconnoi- 
ter, and with a picket of four hundred men was sur- 
rounded by the enemy, who had advanced hy the very 
road I had foretold, and which I had paid horse?nen fif- 
ty dollars for patrolling by night, while I had the com- 
mand. 

" What resistance I made with these four hundred 
men against the British army, I leave to the oflicers 
who were with me to declare. Let it suffice for me 
to say, that the opposition of the small party lasted 
from half-past nine to twelve o'clock." (Sparks' Wash- 
mgton, vol. iv., p. 517. 

Sullivan must have alluded to Gen. Putnam, as not 
being apprehensive of the enemy's taking the route by 
which they actually entered the American lines ; for 
Washington had expressed his opinion fully that there 
should be a bright look-out in that quarter, and the 
jfesses well guarded. This delusion of Putnam, per- 
haps, caused his neglect of orders, which led to the fa- 
tal catastrophe that followed. 

It appears that Gen. Sullivan conceived he had been 
slighted in respect to the command on Long Island, as 
well as on other occasions, and that he expressed his 
feelings to Washington on the subject, which drew 
from the latter the following singular letter : 

Extract of a letter from Gen. Washington to Gen. 
Sullivan : 

Morristown, 15th March, 1777. 

" Do not, my dear Gen. Sullivan, torment yourself 
with imaginary slights, and involve others in the per- 
plexities you feel on that score. No other officer of 
rank, in the whole army, has so often conceived him- 



173 

self neglected, slighted, and ill-treated, as you have 
done, and none I am sure has had less cause than your- 
self to entertain such ideas. Mere accidents, things 
which have occurred in the common course of service, 
have been considered by you as designed affronts. But 
pray, sir, in what respect did Gen. Greene's late com- 
mand at Fort Lee differ from his present command at 
Baskcnridge, or from yours at Chatham? And what 
kind of separate command had Gen. Putnam at New 
York ? I never heard of any, except his commanding 
there ten days before my arrival from Boston, and one 
day after I had left it for Harlem Heights, as senior 
officer. In like manner at Philadelphia, how did his 
command differ from the one he has at Princeton,* and 
wherein does either vary from yours at Chatham ? Are 
there any peculiar emoluments or honors to be reaped 
in the one case and not in the other ? No. Why 
then these unreasonable, these unjustifiable suspicions ? 
" Your ideas and mine, respecting separate com- 
mands, have but little analogy. I know of but one 
separate command, properly so called, and that is the 
northern depai'tment: and Gen. Sullivan, Gen. St. 
Clair, or any other general officer at Ticonderoga, will 
be considered in no other light, whilst ther'e is a supe- 
rior officer in the department, than if he were placed 
at Chatham, Baskenridge, or Princeton. But I have 
not time to dwell upon a subject of this kind." (Sparks' 
Washington, vol. iv. p. 364.) 

* Putnam's command at Princeton will be taken notice of hereafter. 
15* 



174 



CHAPTER VII. 

CAPTURE OF FORTS MONTGOMERY AND CLINTON. 

The next prominent command of Gen. Putnam was 
a little below the Highlands on the North river ; than 
which no military post in the country at the time was 
more important. Here obstructions had been thrown 
across the river, and forts erected to defend them, for 
the purpose of preventing the passage of the enemy's 
ships. This pass might with propriety be denominated 
the Thermopyle of New York. And although Gov. 
Clinton, who had charge of forts Montgomery and 
Clinton, and the citizen soldiers under his command, ex- 
hibited bravery equal perhaps to that of Leonid as and 
his Spartai> band of heroes ; but being attacked in rear, 
as was Leonidas, they were overpowered by superior 
numbers, while the main army at the post, instead 
of being stationed, a part of them at least, so as to 
guard the passes through the mountains agreeably to 
Washington's instructions, was drawn oft' by the com- 
mander-in-chief miles from the scene of action, out 
of reach of the enemy, where they remained idle dur- 
ing the engagement, without an opportunity of dis- 
charging a single shot. 

Col. Humphreys gives the following account of the 
storming of the forts, and the consequent removal of 
the obstructions in the river : 

On the 5th of October, [1777,] Sir Henry Clinton came 
up the North river with three thousand men. After making 



175 

many feints to mislead the attention, he landed, the next 
morning, at Stony Point, and commenced his march over 
the mountains to Fort Montgomery. Gov. Clinton, an ac- 
tive, resolute, and intelligent officer, who commanded the 
garrison, upon being apprised of the movement, despatched 
a letter, by express, to Gen. Putnam for succor. By the 
treachery of tiie messenger, the letter miscarried. Gen. 
Putnam, astonished at hearing nothing respecting the enemy, 
rode, with Gen. Parsons, and Col. Root, his adjutant-general, 
to reconnoiter them at King's Ferry. In the mean time, at 
five o'clock in the afternoon, Sir Henry Clinton's columns, 
having surmounted the obstacles and barriers of nature, de- 
scended from the Thunder Hill, through thickets impassa- 
ble but for light troops, and attacked the different redoubts. 
The garrison, inspired by the conduct of their leaders, de- 
fended the works with distinguished valor. But, as the post 
had been designed principally to prevent the passing of 
ships, and as an assault in rear had not leen expected, the 
works on the land side were incomplete and untenable. In 
the dusk of twilight, the British entered with their bayonets 
fixed. Their loss was inconsiderable. Nor was that of the 
garrison great. Gov. Clinton, his brother Gen. James Clin- 
ton, Col. Dubois, and most of the officers and men, effected 
their escape under cover of the thick smoke and darkness 
that suddenly prevailed. The capture of this fort by Sir 
Henry Clinton, together with the consequent removal of the 
chains and booms that obstructed the navigation, opened a 
passage to Albany, and seemed to favor a junction of his 
force with that of Gen. Burgoyne. But the latter having 
been compelled to capitulate a few days after this event, and 
great numbers of militia having arrived from New England, 
the successful army returned to New York ; yet not before a 
detachment from it, under the orders of Gen. Vaughan, had 
burnt the defenceless town of Esopus, and several scattering 
buildings on the banks of the river. 

The author of these memoirs, then major of brigade to 
the first Connecticut brigade, was alone at head-quarters 
when the firing began. He hastened to Col. Wyllys, the 
senior officer in camp, and advised him to despatch all the 
men not on duty to Fort Montgomery, without waiting for or- 



176 

ders. About five hundred men marched instantly under 
Col. Meigs ; and the author, with Dr. Beardsley, a surgeon 
in the brigade, rode, at full speed, through a bye-path, to 
let the garrison know that a reinforcement was on its march. 
Notwithstanding all the haste these officers made to and 
aver the river, the fort was so completely invested on their 
arrival, that it was impossible to enter. They went on 
board the new frigate which lay near the fortress, and had 
the misfortune to be idle, though not unconcerned spectators 
of the storm. They saw the minutest actions distinctly 
when the works were carried. The frigate, after receiving 
several platoons, slipped her cable, and proceeded a little 
way up the river ; but the wind and tide becoming adverse, 
the crew set her on fire, to prevent her falling into the hands 
of the enemy, whose ships M-ere approaching. 

Without attributing treachery to the messenger of 
Gov. CHnton, of which there is no probability, Mar- 
shall accounts very naturally for his not meeting with 
Gen. Putnam — namely, in consequence of his absence 
from camp on a reconnoitering excursion. That " an 
assault in rear had not been expected," is in direct con- 
tradiction to fact. Gen. Washington " directed," says 
Marshall, " that two thousand militia should be called 
for from Connecticut to guard the passes through the 
mountains." According to the same author, it appears 
that the works were in good condition in the rear. In 
fact, an attack could be made from no other quarter, 
as will soon be shown. Men only were wanted. Had 
a third of the troops that were unoccupied been thrown 
into the forts, the force would .have been sufficient to 
maintain them. 

The following is an abstract of Judge Marshall's his- 
tory of the transactions upon this occasion : 

"On the arrival in September of a reinforcement of 
Europeans at New York, fears were immediately en- 
tertained for the Highlands ; and Gen. Putnam, in con- 
formity with his instructions, called for assistance on 



177 

Connecticut and New York, the governor of which 
latter state was also the commanding officer in the 
forts. His requisitions were complied with, but the 
enemy not marching immediately against these posts, 
and the services of the militia being necessary at home 
to seed their farms, they became exceedingly impa- 
tient: many of them deserted, and, Gen. Putnam was 
induced to discharge the residue. 

" Impressed with the danger to which the forts were 
exposed from this measure, and entirely convinced, 
from the present state of both the British armies, that 
the attack must be made very soon, if at all. Gov. Chn- 
ton immediately ordered out half the militia of New 
York, with assurances that they should be relieved in 
one month by the other half The order, to which a 
reluctant obedience was paid, was executed so slowly, 
that the forts were carried before the militia were in 
the field. 

" This post had always been, in the opinion of the 
commander-in-chief, an object of the first importance ; 
and, in no state of things, under no pretence of a su- 
perior army commanded by himself, had he ceased to 
view it with interest, and to be attentive to its safety. 
When therefore his orders were given to make detach- 
ments from thence, in order to repel incursions into 
Jersey, and to reinforce the army in Pennsylvania, so 
as to leave, according to the returns, less than three 
thousand men, including the militia ; he, in the most 
explicit terms, stated his apprehension that the enemy 
would attempt something up the North river. Under 
this impression, he directed that two thousand militia 
should be immediately called for from Connecticut to 
guard the passes through the 7}iountains, while the forts 
themselves should be sufficiently garrisoned with the 
best troops. Great pains had been taken, and much 
labor employed, to render this position, which is by na- 
ture very strong, still more secure. The defences most 
relied upon were forts Montgomery and Clinton, on the 



178 

western bank of the Hudson, on very high ground, ex- 
tremely difficult of access, and separated from each 
other by a small creek which runs from the mountains 
into the river. These forts were too much elevated to he 
battered from the water, and the hills on which they 
were erected, too steep to be ascended by troops land- 
ing at the foot of them ; and the mountains, which 
commence five or six miles below them, are so very 
high and rugged, the defiles through which the roads 
leading to them pass, so narrow, and commanded in 
such a manner by the heights on both sides, that the 
approaches to them are extremely difficult and danger- 
ous. 

" To prevent the enemy from passing these forts, 
chevaux-de-frize were sunken in the river, and a boom 
extended from bank to bank. This boom was covered 
with immense chains stretched at some distance in its 
front, for the purpose of breaking the face of any ves- 
sel sailing against it. These works were not only de- 
fended by the guns of the fort, but by a frigate and 
galleys stationed above them, capable of opposing with 
an equal fire in front, any force which might attack by 
water from below. 

" Fort Independence is four or five miles below forts 
Montgomery and Clinton, and on the opposite side of 
the river, on a high point of land ; and Fort Constitu- 
tion is about six and a quarter miles above them, on an 
island near the eastern shore. 

" The garrisons at this time amounted to about six 
hundred men, and the whole force under Gen. Putnam, 
the militia having generally left him, did not much ex- 
ceed two thousand. Yet this force, though so much 
less than that, which an attention to the orders of Gen. 
Washington would have retained at the station, was, 
if properly applied, more than competent to the defence 
of the forts against any numbers which could he spared 
from New York. ***** Somewhat more 
than three thousand men embarked at New York, and 



179 

landed on the 5th day of October at Verplanck's point, 
on the east side of the Hudson, a short distance below 
Peekskill, and Gen. Putnam retired to the heights in his 
rear. On the evening of the same day a part of the 
troops re-embarked, and the fleet moved up the river. 
The next morning, at break of day, the troops destined 
for the enterprise, debarked on the west side at Stony 
point, and immediately commenced their march through 
the mountains into the rear of forts Montgomery and 
Clinton. The debarkation was not made unobserved ; 
but the morning was so very foggy that the numbers 
could not be distinguished. In the mean time, the ma- 
noeuvers of the vessels, and the ajjpearance of the small 
detachment left at VerplancJtS point, persuaded Gen. 
Putnam that the meditated attack was on Fort Indepen- 
dence. 

"Gov. Clinton, who commanded in the forts, having 
notice about ten o'clock in the morning of the approach 
of the enemy, made the best disposition in his power, 
and sent out as strong parties as his situation would 
admit, for the purpose of harassing them in their march 
through the defiles of the mountains, many of which 
were already passed. He also sent an express to Gen. 
Putnam to give notice of the danger which threatened 
him. Of this express Putnam makes no mention ; but 
as he states himself to have been returning with Gen. 
Parsons from reconnoitering the position of the enemy 
on the east side of the river, it is probable he might 
be engaged on that business when the express reached 
the camp. 

* * " The garrison, when summoned, having refused 
to surrender, the attack commenced about five, on both 
forts. The approaches to each had been i-endered ex- 
tremely difficult by redoubts, by artillery, and by rows 
of abattis extending for three or four hundred yards. 
The works were defended with resolution, and were 
maintained till dark, when, the lines being too extensive 
to be completely manned, the enemy entered them in 



180 

different places ; and the defence being no longer pos- 
sible, part of the garrison were made prisoners, while 
their better knowledge of the country enabled others 
to escape. Gov. Clinton passed the river in a boat, 
after the enemy were in possession of the forts, and 
Gen. James Clinton, though wounded in the thigh by a 
bayonet, also made his escape. The loss sustained by 
the garrisons was about two hundred and fifty men. 
That of the enemy was supposed to be much more con- 
siderable ; but €ir Henry Clinton, in his official letter, 
states it at less than two hundred killed, wounded, and 
missing. 

" The boom and chains across the river were taken 
possession of with the forts, and the continental frigates 
and galleys were burnt to prevent them too from falling 
into the hands of the enemy. 

" Fort Independence and Fort Constitution were 
evacuated the next day, and Putnam retreated to Fish- 
kill. The same measures had been taken at Fort Con- 
stitution, as at forts Clinton and Montgomery, by sink- 
ing impediments in the river, and by stretching chains 
across it to stop the vessels of the enemy ; but they 
were abandoned without even an attempt to defend 
them. 

" After burning Continental village, where stores to 
a considerable amount had been deposited. Gen. Vaugh- 
an, with a strong detachment, proceeded up the river 
as far as Esopus, which he also destroyed. Gen. Put- 
nam, whose army was by this time increased by the 
militia of Connecticut, New Jersey, and New York, to 
six thousand men, detached Gen. Parsons with two 
thousand, to repossess themselves of Peekskill, while 
with the residue he watched the progress of the enemy 
up the river. 

" On the first intelligence of the capitulation of Bur- 
goyne, expresses had been dispatched by Putnam to 
Gates, pressing for reinforcements of continental 
troops, and near jive thousand men from that army 



181 

hastened to his aid. Before their arrival, Gen. Vaugji- 
an had proceeded from Esopus down the river, and 
having reduced to ashes forts Montgomery and CUnton, 
and every village and almost every private house in 
his power, returned to New York, from whence a re- 
inforcement was then about to sail for Gen. Howe. 

" The military stores which this expedition threw 
into the hands of the enemy were very considerable. 
The Highlands having been always considered as a 
position which, more than any other, united the advan- 
tages of convenience and security, magazines to a large 
amount had been collected there. Some of these were 
removed, but by far the greater part of them were lost- 
Much labor and money had been expended on the forts, 
and on the works in the river which had been demol- 
ished." (Life of Washington, vol. iii., p. 292, etc.) 

The following letters from Gov. Clinton and Gen. 
Putnam are copied from Prof Sparks' compilation of 
the writings of Gen. Washington : 

Extract of a letter from Gov. Clinton to Gen. 
Washington, dated New Windsor, 9th of October, 
1777. 

" Dear General — I have to inform you, in conse- 
quence of intelligence received by Gen. Putnam from 
Gen. Parsons, who lay with his brigade at the White 
Plains, of the enemy's having received reinforcements 
from Europe at New York, and that by iheir move- 
ments there was reason to believe they intended an at- 
tack on Peekskill, and to possess themselves of the 
passes in the Highlands, the general immediately wrote 
to me these circumstances ; and, to prevent if possible 
the disagreeable consequences that might arise if the 
army at the different posts was not timely reinforced, 1 
ordered that part of the militia of this state, that had 
not already marched to the northward, to move, and 
part of them to join Gen. Putnam, and the remainder 
to reinforce the posts of Fort Montgomery and Fort 

16 



182 

Clinton ; but, it being a critical time with the yeomanry, 
as they had not yet sown their grain, and tiiere being 
at that time no appearance of the enemy, they were 
extremely restless and uneasy. They solicited Gen. 
Putnam for leave to return, and many of them went 
home without his permission. Urged by these considera- 
tions, he thought proper to dismiss a part of them. 

"As I thought \V essentially necessary, that they should 
remain in the field for some time, in order to check the 
progress of the enemy, should they attempt to put their 
designs in execution, I issued another order for one 
half immediately to march, part of them to join Gen. 
Putnam, and a sufficient number to reinforce the forts 
and the pass at Sidman's bridge, at the mouth of the 
clove ; and, in order to induce them to turn out with 
greater alacrity, I thought it necessary to fix their time 
of service to one month, at the expiration of which time 
they were to be relieved by the other half. While 
this was in agitation, and before an arrangement could 
possibly be made by the respective officers, as to what 
part of them should serve for the first month, they were 
not so expeditious as was absolutely necessary, which 
the event has fully evinced. A number of the enemy's 
ships made their appearance on the 3d instant in Tar- 
ry town bay, whence they weighed anchor the next day, 
being joined by several ships of war and transports 
from New York. They proceeded up the river as 
high as King's ferry, and at daybreak on Sunday, the 
5th, landed a considerable body of men on Verplanck's 
point. 

" As I was apprehensive, from many circumstances, 
that an attack on the forts was intended, I dispatched 
Maj. Logan, an alert officer, who was well acquainted 
with the ground, on Sunday evening through the moun- 
tains to reconnoiter, and if possible gain intelligence of 
the enemy's motions. The major returned about nine 
o'clock on Monday, informing me that from the best 
intelligence he could procure, and the rowing of the 



183 

boats, he had reason to believe they had landed a con- 
siderable force on the west side of the river, and at 
Dunderberg ; but as the morning was foggy, it was 
impossible to discern them, so as to form any judgment 
of their numbers." Here Gov. Clinton gives a detailed 
account of his detaching such parties as his limited 
means would justify, "in order (he says) to give the 
enemy a check, and retard their movements till I could 
receive a reinforcement from Gen. Putnam, to whom I 
had sent an express for that purpose ; [and adds] after 
as obstinate a resistance as our situation and the weak- 
ness of the garrison would admit, having defended the 
works from two o'clock till the dusk of the evening, the 
enemy, by the superiority of numbers, forced the works 
on all sides. The want of men prevented us from siis- 
taining and supjoorting every part, having received no 
reinforcement froin Gen. Putnam. 

"I have to add, that hy so?ne fatality the two conti- 
nental frigates were lost, they having been ordered down 
hy Gen. Putnam for the defence of the chain ; but, be- 
ing badly manned, they could not be got off in time, 
though I ordered the ship Congress to proceed to Fort 
Constitution the day before the attack, lest she should 
meet with a disaster ; and the ship Montgomery, which 
lay near the chain, it being the ebb of tide and the wind 
falling, Capt. Hodge was constrained to set her on fire 
to prevent her from falling into the hands of the enemy. 
The Congress unfortunately getting aground on the flat 
near Fort Constitution, shared the same fate. F-ort 
Constitution, being destitute of troops to defend it, was 
evacuated, after bringing oflTpart of the stores. 

" The army who attacked us, by the lowest account, 
consisted of three thousand, chiefly of British and Hes- 
sian troops. The garrison of both our posts did not 
exceed six hundred men, and many of these unarmed 
militia. The ordinary garrison was thus reduced by 
detaching Maj. MoflTat with two hundred men to the poU 
at Sidman's bridge, Col. Malcom's regiment being re- 



184 

moved from thence, and sixty men on Anthony^ s nose, by 
Gen. Pjitnam^s 07rlers, received the day before the action. 
I have only to add, that where great losses are sustain- 
ed, however unavoidable, public censure is generally 
the consequence to those who are immediately con- 
cerned. If in the present instance this should be the 
case, I wish, so far as it relates to Fort Montgomery 
and its depende?icies, it may fall on me alone ; for I 
should be guilty of the greatest injustice, were I not to 
declare, that the officers and men under me of the dif- 
ferent corps behaved with the greatest spirit and bra- 
very," 

Extract of a letter from Gen. Putnam to Gen. 
Washington, dated Fishkill, 8th October, 1777. 

" Dear general — It is with the utmost reluctance I 
now sit down to inform you, that the enemy, after 
making a variety of movements up and down the North 
river, landed on the morning of the 3d instant about 
three thousand men at Tarrytown : and, after making 
an excursion about Jive miles up the country, they re- 
turned and re-embarked the morning following, ad- 
vanced up near King's ferry, and landed on the east 
side of the river ; but in the evening part of them re- 
embarked, and the morning after landed a little above 
King's ferry, on the west side. The morning being so 
exceedingly foggy concealed their scheme, and pre- 
vented us from gaining any idea as to the number of 
troops they landed. In about three hours we discover- 
ed a large fire at the ferry, which we imagined to be 
the store-houses ; upon which it was thought they only 
landed with a view of destroying the said houses. The 
picket and scouts, which we had out, could not learn 
the exact number of the enemy that were remaining 
on the east side of the river ; but, from the best accounts, 
they were about fifteen hundred. At the same time a 
number of ships and galleys, with about forty flat-boats, 
made every appearance of their intention to land troops, ' 



185 

both at Fort Independence and Peekskill landing. 
These ch-cumstances, and my strength being not more 
than twelve hundred continental troops and three hun- 
dred m'llitisi, prevented me from detaching a party to at- 
tack the enemy that day on the east side of the river. 

" After we had thought it impracticable to quit the 
heights, lohich we had then possession of, and attack the 
enemy. Brig. Gen. Parsons [Ajdt. Gen. Root] and my- 
self went to reconnoiter the ground near the enemy ; 
and on our return from thence we were alarmed with 
a heavy and hot firing, both of small-arms and cannon, 
at Fort Montgomery, which immediately convinced me 
that the enemy had landed a large body of men in the 
morning at the time and place before-mentioned. Upon 
which I immediately detached jive hundred men to rein- 
force ihe garrison; but before they could possibly cross 
the river to their assistance, the enemy, far superior in 
numbers, had possessed themselves of the fort. Never 
did men behave with more spirit and activity, than our 
troops upon this occasion. They repulsed the enemy 
three times, who were in number at least five to one." 

By the foregoing documents, the causes which led 
to the unfortunate results upon this occasion are made 
too apparent to escape the notice of the most casual 
reader. Let it be remembered, that Gen. Burgoyne 
was making his way to the head waters of the Hud- 
son ; and that nothing could comport more with the in- 
terests of the enemy, than for the British troops in New 
York city to form a" junction with Burgoyne at Albany. 
That this would be attempted was so obvious to Gen. 
Washington, that he was constantly reiterating to the 
commandant at Peekskill to be prepared for that event. 
Immense expense had been incurred in preparations to 
guard against the execution of such project. But it is 
a little extraordinary, that although Gen. Putnam, ac- 
cording to Humphreys, on account of the smallness 
of his force, " repeatedly informed the commander-in- 
chief, that the posts committed to his charge must, in 
16* 



186 

all probability, be lost in case an attack should be made 
upon them ; and that, circumstanced as he was, he 
could not be responsible for the consequences," should 
at the same time discharge the militia under his com- 
mand, before the expiration of the term for which they 
were drafted. He had evidently no expectation of 
maintaining these posts. His besetting sin seems to 
have been want of confidence of success, which para- 
lyzed his eftbrts. 

When the enemy landed a part of their forces at 
Verplanck's point, which might naturally have been sup- 
posed a feint, intended for deception. Gen. Putnam, in- 
stead of attempting to annoy them in the least, or to 
reinforce the forts, fled instantly to the heights in his 
rear. His conjectures in regard to the objects of the 
expedition were every thing but that which was. most 
obvious. He thought there were indications that the 
enemy " intended to land troops, both at Fort Indepen- 
dence and at Peekskill landing ;" and, on discovering a 
fire on the west side of the river, where there were 
some store-houses of very trifling consequence, he con- 
cluded the burning of them was the sole purpose of 
their landing on that side; 

But not being fully satisfied as to the destination of 
the enemy, and for what purpose so large an armament 
had been prepared, he undertook a reconnoitering jaunt 
down to King's ferry ; taking with him the only gen- 
eral besides himself at the post, and his adjutant-gene- 
ral, leaving at head-quarters his aid-de-camp alone, a 
young man about twenty-four years of age. It could 
hardly have been expected, that the senior officer re- 
maining in camp would take the responsibility of de- 
taching any portion of the troops, at the request of an 
officer commanding another post, or from other con- 
siderations ; nor, it may be presumed, was it intended, 
or orders would have been given by Gen. Putnam to 
that effect. On hearing the firing at Fort Montgome- 
ry, however, patriotism prevailed with Col. Wyllys 



187 

over discipline, and he immediately despatched five 
hundred men to the scene of action, but who, as has 
been seen, arrived too late. Col. [then Major] Hum- 
phreys deserved great praise for the part he took upon 
the occasion. 

At this critical juncture, v^^as not Gen. Putnam re- 
quired by every principle of patriotism, as well as a re- 
gard to his own fame as commandant of the station, to 
have remained at head-quarters, retaining Gen. Parsons 
and the adjutant-general, and sent one or more alert 
subaltern officers to look out for the movements of the 
enemy ? He took a tour of some twelve miles, and 
was absent many hours, not having returned to camp 
till after the fatal engagement had commenced, which 
ended in the utter prostration of the American arms, 
producing in its consequences a train of infinite evils 
to the country. Had Gen. Putnam remained at his 
post, so that the express from Gov. Clinton could have 
found him, who was despatched about ten o'clock in 
the morning, and the assault on the forts was not made 
till two o'clock in the afternoon ; or had he, without 
any call from Clinton, as was obviously his duty, thrown 
reinforcements into forts Montgomery and Clinton, a 
very different result, in all human probability, would 
have taken place. 

But of all the transactions connected with this event- 
ful drama, none seem more ill-advised, than the re- 
moval of Malcom's regiment from Sedman's bridge at 
the mouth of the Clove, thereby throwing open the gate 
for the ingress of the enemy. This was done by or- 
ders from Gen. Putnam, issued the next day after the 
appearance of the expedition at Tarrytown bay. Sir 
Henry Clinton was doubtless advised that a regiment 
occupied this post, and, not being aware of its removal, 
took a more difficult course. Gov. Clinton, however, 
deeming it of the utmost importance to have this pass 
guarded, immediately detached from Fort Montgomery 
two hundred men for the purpose ; which by thus 



188 

weakening the garrison, not improbably caused the loss 
of the fort. The Clove is a cleft or opening of the 
highlands or mountains, situated a little south of west 
from Fort Montgomery, which renders a passage to it 
from that quarter quite practicable. There is now a 
railroad on this route. Malcom's regiment went to 
swell the corjjs de reserve upon the heights. 

There are errors in Gen. Putnam's official report to 
the commander-in-chief of this disaster not unworthy 
of notice. Gov. Clinton, whose report is dated a day 
later than Putnam's, and who no doubt took more pains 
than he to obtain correct information, makes no men- 
tion of" the enemy's landing about three thousand men 
at Tarrytown, and making an excursion of about five 
miles up the country." This would have been to 
" march up the hill, and then march down again," with 
a witness. There could be no use in such an enter- 
prise. The enemy had no time to spare in such jaunts 
of pleasure. 

The general might have saved the trouble of excus- 
ing himself for not attacking the enemy that remained 
on the east side of the river, at the time he mentions, 
which was after he discovered the fire on the opposite 
side. At that time there were few or no enemies for 
him to attack, had he been ever so much disposed. 
The main body evidently landed simultaneously on the 
west side of the river, and marched immediately for 
the American forts. And however desirous they might 
be to delude Gen. Putnam with a vain show, they had 
not many men to spare for the purpose, certainly not 
fifteen hundred. 

Marshall speaks of " the small detachment left at 
Verplanck's point." Be the number what they might, 
the objection made by Gen. Putnam for not attacking 
them on the day mentioned, seems a substantial reason 
for his doing so, before they were further reinforced as 
he expected. But in case the indications of which he 
takes notice had not appeared, it seems he would have 



189 

detached a- party to attack his fifteen hundred men in 
huckram. Why not march with his whole force, which 
was equal to the supposed number of the enemy, and 
fight the battle in person ? It would have been a glori- 
ous opportunity for the general to have served his 
country, and to acquire a renown far more substantial 
than that obtained through the agency of others. 

It is not easy to perceive the impracticability of Put- 
nam's quitting the heights, as he states ; he had only to 
order his men to the right-about face, and then march 
back to the place from whence he came without fear 
of meeting an enemy to oppose him. The British, at 
any rate, had no cause to envy Putnam's sagacity in 
obtaining his position ; their route did not lie in that 
direction, and therefore he was in no danger of being 
disturbed. 

There is a mistake in Gen. Putnam's letter, in saying 
he " detached five hundred men to reinforce the garri- 
son." This was done by Col. Wyllys before the gen- 
eral's return to head-quarters. 

Since writing the foregoing, I am informed by an 
intelligent, elderly gentleman, who was born and 
brought up near Peekskill, that Gen. Putnam upon this 
occasion did not halt until he arrived at Haight's tavern, 
about midway of the highlands, and between five and 
six miles from Peekskill. King's ferry is ten miles be- 
low Peekskill. Putnam, therefore, with his two gener- 
als, must have ridden in their tour at least thirty miles. 
A pretty extensive airing, when the awful crisis in 
which it occurred is taken into consideration. When 
these reconnoiterers I'eturned to head-quarters, as might 
be, and probably was, expected, the fate of the day was 
sealed ; and they had only to continue their retreat 
through the highlands to Fishkill. 

The course taken in this case will no doubt be justi- 
fied by many, in consequence of their preconceived 
opinions of the courage, patriotism, and warlike propen- 
sities of Israel Putnam. 



190 

The following is a diagram of the scene of action. 
There are defects in it ; the mountains, as well as the 
brook in the Clove, are not well represented. There 
was a run of water, as has been seen, between the 
forts. The drawing however is sufficiently accurate 
for the purpose intended. The reader will perceive 
that the opening of the Clove, at Sedman's bridge, was 
the key to the avenue leading to the forts, which afford- 
ed a convenient course for the march of troops. 




BRIDGE: 



The withdrawing by Gen. Putnam of the regiment 
stationed at this pass, under existing circumstances, is, 
it is believed, the most extraordinary military move- 
ment on record. He also, as has been seen, drew sixty 
men from the station called Anthony's nose. With 
these and his troops at Peekskill, composing a corps of 
fifteen hundred, he immediately repaired to the moun- 
tains, where he remained inactive ; thus abandoning 



191 

the most important post that could be committed to his 
charge without firing a gun. The direful consequences 
resulting from this dereliction of duty are known, and 
will probably never be forgotten by the descendants 
of those whose houses were committed to the flames, 
and other property destroyed by the invading foe. 

I shall now make copious extracts from the Life of 
Alexander Hamilton, by his son John C. Hamilton ; 
and from the Writings of George Washington, edited 
by Jared Sparks : containing letters from Gen. Wash- 
ington, and Col. Hamilton, his aid-de-camp, which pow- 
erfully illustrate the patriotism, character, and services 
of Gen. Putnam. 

From the Life of Hamilton. 

"While the advance of Burg05'ne was looked upon 
with consternation; by a series of unparalleled sufferings 
which no energy could surmount, he was gradually 
broken down, until a brief contest compelled him to 
surrender at Saratoga. 

" Intelligence of this event reached the head-quarters 
of Washington at the close of the month of October, 
[1777,] a few days after his army had removed to 
Whitemarsh, and he immediately addressed a letter to 
Gates, in which, after congratulating him on his success, 
and expressing his regret that a matter of such magni- 
tude should have reached him by report only, or through 
the chance of letters, instead of an authentic communi- 
cation under his own signature, he says — ' Our affairs 
having terminated to the northward, I have, by the ad- 
vice of the general officers, sent Col. Hamilton, one of 
my aids, to lay before you a full statement of our situation, 
and that of the enemy in this quarter. He is well in- 
formed upon the subject, and will deliver my sentiments 
upon the plan of operations that is now necessary to be 
pursued. I think it improper to enter into a detail. 
From Col. Hamilton, you will have a clear and com- 



192 

prehensive view of things ; and I persuade myself you 
will do every thing in your power to faciUtate the ob- 
jects I have in contemplation.' On the 30th of October, 
Col. Hamilton departed, under the following ' instruc- 
tions.' 

* * * * "• You are so fully acquainted with the prin- 
cipal points on which you are sent, namely, the state 
of our army and the situation of the enemy, that I 
shall not enlarge on those heads. What you are chief- 
ly to attend to, is to point out, in the clearest and fullest 
manner, to Gen. Gates, the absolute necessity there is 
for his detaching a very considerable part of the army 
at present under his comniand to the reinforcement of 
this ; a measure that will in all probability reduce Gen. 
Howe to the same situation in which Gen. Burgoync 
now is, should he attempt to remain in Philadelphia 
without being able to remove the obstructions in the 
Delaware, and open a free communication with his 
shipping. The force, which the members of the coun- 
cil of war judge it safe and expedient to draw down at 
present, are the three New Hampshire and fifteen Mas- 
sachusetts regiments, with Lee's and Jackson's of the 
sixteen additional. * * * * 

" I have understood that Gen. Gates has already de- 
tached Nixon's and Glover's brigades to join Gen. Put- 
nam, and Gen. Dickinson informs me Sir Henry Clinton 
has come down the river with his whole force ; if this 
be a fact, you are to desire (^en. Putnam to send the 
two brigades forward, witli the greatest expedition, as 
there can be no occasion for them there. 

" I expect you will meet Col. Morgan's corps upon 
their way down ; if you do, let them know how essen- 
tial their services are to us, and desire the colonel or 
commanding officer to hasten their march as much as 
is consistent with the health of the men after their late 
fatigues. G. W. 

" P. S. I ordered the detachment belonging to Gen. 
McDouffal's division to come forward. If vou meet 



193 

them, direct those belonging to Greene's, Angel's, Chand- 
ler's, and Duryee's regiments not to cross the Delaware, 
but to proceed to Red Bank.' 

" Col. Hamilton proceeded by way of New Windsor 
to Fishkill, the head-quarters of Gen. Putnam, from 
whence he addressed the following letter to Gen. 
Washington, on the 2d of November : 

" ' Dear sir — I loydged last night in the neighborhood 
of N^ew Windsor. This morning I nnet Col. Morofan 
with his corps, about a mile from it, in march for head- 
quarters. 

" I have directed Gen. Putnam, in your name, to send 
forward ivith all dispatch to join you, the two continen- 
tal brigades and Warner's militia brigade ; this last is 
to serve till the latter end of this month. * * * 
Neither Lee's nor Jackson's regiments, nor the detach- 
ment belonging to Gen. McDougal's division, have yet 
marched. I have urged their being sent, and an order 
has been dispatched for their instantly proceeding. 

* * * Gen. Poor's brigade has just arrived here ; 
they will proceed to join you with all expedition.' 

" On Hamilton's arrival at Albany, he had an inter- 
view with Gen. Gates, the result of which is stated in 
the following letter to Gen. Washington. 

" ' Albany, Nov. 4th, 1777. 

" ' Dear sir — I arrived here yesterday at noon, and 
waited on Gen. Gates immediately on the business of 
my mission, but was very sorry to find his ideas did not 
correspond with yours, for drawing off the number of 
troops you directed. I used every argument in my 
power to convince him of the propriety of the measure, 
but he was inflexible in the opinion that two brigades, 
at least, of continental troops should remain in and near 
this place. * * * AH I could effect was to have 
one brigade dispatched in addition to those already 
marched. I found myself infinitely embarrassed, and 
was at a loss how to act.' 

" Col. Hamilton, having concluded his mission to Gen. 
17 



194 

Gates, returned to New WindscJr, whence, on the 10th 
of November, he addressed the commander-in-chief to 
this effect : 

" ' Dear sir — I arrived here last night from Albany. 
Having given Gen. Gates a Uttle time to recollect him- 
self, 1 renewed my remonstrance on the necessity and 
propriety of sending you more than one brigade of the 
three he had detained with him, and finally prevailed 
upon him to give orders for Glover's, in addition to 
Patterson's brigade, to march this way. * * * 

" I am pained beyond expression to inform your ex- 
cellency that on my arrival here, I find every thing has 
been neglected and deranged by Gen. Putnam, and that 
the two brigades. Poor's and Learned's, still remain 
here and on the other side of the river at Fishkill. 
Col. Warner's militia, I am told, have been drawn to 
Peekskill, to aid in an expedition against New York, 
which it seems is, at this time, the hobby-horse with 
Gen. Putnam. Not the least attention has been paid 
to my order in your name for a detachment of one 
thousand men from the troops hitherto stationed at this 
post. Every thing is sacrificed to the whim of taking 
New York. 

" The two brigades of Poor and Learned, it appears, 
would not march for want of money and necessaries ; 
several of the regiments having received no pay for six 
or eight months past. There has been a high mutiny 
among the former on this account, in which a captain 
killed a man, and was himself shot by his comrade. 
These difficulties, for want of proper management, have 
stopped the troops from proceeding. Gov. Clinton has 
been the only man who has done any thing towards re- 
moving them, but for want of Gen. Putnam's co-opera- 
tion has not been able to effect it. He has only been 
able to prevail with Learned's brigade to agree to 
march to Goshen, in hopes, by getting them once on 
the go, to induce them to continue their march. On 
coming here, I immediately sent for Col. Bailey, who 



195 

now commands Learned's brigade, and persuaded him 
to carry the brigade on to head-quarters as fast as pos- 
sible. This he expects to eflfect by means of six thou- 
sand dollars, which Gov. Clinton was kind enough to 
borrow for me, and which Col. Bailey thinks will keep 
the men in good humor till they join you. They 
marched this morning towards Goshen. 

" The plan J. before laid having been totally derang- 
ed, a new one has become necessary. It is now too 
late to send Warner's militia ; by the time they reached 
you, their term of service would be out. The motive 
for sending them, which was to give you a speedy re- 
inforcement, has, by the past delay, been superseded. 

" By Gov. Clinton's advice, I have sent an order in 
the most emphatical terms to Gen. Putnam, immediate- 
ly to dispatch all the continental troops under him to 
your assistance, and to detain the militia instead of 
them. 

" My opinion is, that the only present use for troops 
in this quarter is to protect the country from the depre- 
dations of little plundering parties, and for carrying on 
the works necessary for the defence of the rivers. No- 
thing more ought to be thought of. 'Tis only wasting 
time and misapplying men to employ them in a suicidal 
parade against New York ; for in this it will undoubt- 
edly terminate. New York is no object, if it could be 
taken, and to take it would require more men than 
could be spared from more substantial purposes. Gov. 
Clinton's ideas coincide with mine. He thinks that 
there is no need of more continental troops here than 
a few to give a spur to the militia in working upon the 
fortifications. In pursuance of this, I have given the 
directions before mentioned. If Gen. Putnam attends 
to them, the troops under him may be with you nearly 
as early as any of the others, though he has unluckily 
marched them doicn to Tarrytown, and Gen. Glover's 
brigade, when it gets up, will be more than sufficient 
to answer the true end of this post. 



196 

" If your excellency agrees with me in opinion, it will 
be well to send instant directions to Gen. Putnam to 
pursue the object I have ntentioned, for I doubt whether 
he will attend to any thing I shall say, notwithstanding 
it comes in the shape of a positive order. I fear, unless 
you interpose, the works here will go on so feebly for 
want of men, that they will not be completed in time. 
Gov. Clinton will do every thing in his power. I wish 
Gen. Putnam was recalled -from the command of this 
post, and Gov. Clinton would accept it : the blunders 
and caprices of the former are endless. Believe me, 
sir, nobody can be more impressed with the importance 
of forwarding the reinforcements, coming to you, in all 
speed, nor could anybody have endeavored to promote 
it more than I have done ; but the ignorance of some, 
and the design of others, have been almost insuperable 
obstacles. As soon as I get Gen. Poor's brigade in 
march, I shall proceed to Gen. Putnam's at Peekskill.' 

"On the 12tli of November, he addressed another 
letter to Gen. Washington, in which he says — ' By a 
letter of yesterday. Gen. Poor informs me he would 
certainly march this morning. I must do him the jus- 
tice to say, he appears solicitous to join you, and that 
I believe the past delay is not owing to any fault of his, 
but is wholly chargeable to Gen. Putnam. Indeed, sir, 
I owe it to the service to say, that every part of this 
gentleman's conduct is marked with blunders and negli- 
gence, and gives general disgust. * * * In a letter 
from Gen. Putnam, just now received by Gov. Clinton, 
he appears to have been the 10th at White Plains. I 
have had no answer to my last application.'" 

In a letter from Col. Hamilton to Gen. Washington, 
dated at Peekskill, November 15th, he says: 

" Gen. Poor's brigade crossed the ferry day before 
yesterday. Two York regiments, Cortland's and Liv- 
ingston's, are with them ; they were unwilling to be 
separated from the brigade, and the brigade from them. 
Gen. Putnam was unwilling to keep them with him. 



197 

The troops now remaining with Gen. Putnam, will 
amount to about the number you intended, though they 
are not exactly the same. He had detached Col. Webb's 
regiment to you. He sat/s the troops with him are not 
in a condition to march, being destitute of shoes, stock- 
ings, and other necessaries ; but I believe the true rea- 
sons of his being unwilling to pursue the mode pointed 
out by you, were his aversion to the York troops, and 
his desire to retain Gen. Parsons with him." 

" Col. Hamilton had the gratification of receiving a 
letter Irom Gen. Washington, dated November 15th, 
1777, in which he says: 

"'Dear sir — I have duly received your several favors 
from the time you left me to that of the 12th instant. 
I approve entirely of all the steps you have taken, and 
have only to wish that the exertions of those you have 
had to deal with had kept pace with your zeal and 
good intentions.' 

" While doing justice to the subject of this memoir, 
it is painful to raise the veil, and to dissipate those 
pleasing illusions, cherished from childhood towards 
every actor in the revolutionary struggle, which have 
ripened into a sentiment little short of personal attach- 
ment, mo7'e especially when the person inculpated is 
Gen. Putnam. * * * But higher duties are to he 
fulfilled than to gratify national pride, and the story 
of the revolution is hut half told ivhen those difficulties 
are concealed, ivhich were encountered and overcome hy 
the men who achieved the liherty of their country. 

" The consequence of the delays which had been in- 
terposed in reinforcing the army were soon and sadly 
felt. The fall of Fort Mifflin *^was a prelude to the 
evacuation of Red Bank. A reinforcement from New 
York enabled Cornwallis, with a detachment of two 
thousand men, to cross the river. From the procrasti- 
nation in forming a junction with Glover's brigade, then 
on their march through the Jersies, Gen. Greene found 
himself too weak to intercept his adversary, and on the 

17* 



198 

night of the 20th of November, after the waste of so 
many lives, the water guard was destroyed, and the de- 
fence of the Delaware fell into the hands of the enemy. 
Howe/strengthened by the succours which now reach- 
ed him, was enabled to hold possession of Philadelphia 
during the ensuing winter, ' though just before the re- 
duction of the forts, he balanced upon the point of quit- 
ting that city.' 

" A letter from Gen. Washington to congress, of the 
10th of December, in which he mentions the movement 
of the enemy to Chesnut hill, and their sudden retreat, 
expresses a ' regret that they had not come to an en- 
gagement.' The retreat was unquestionably owing to 
a discovery of the increased strength of the Americans. 
From this may be inferred Howe's condition at that 
moment, and it justifies the conclusion, that a prompt 
obedience to the orders, conveyed by Hamilton, on the 
part of Gates and Putnam, would not only have saved 
the defences of the river, so long and gallantly main- 
tained, but by enabling the Americans to take a strong 
position in the vicinity of Red Bank, would have cut 
off the communication between the British army and 
fleet, and fulfilling Washington's prophecy, Howe ivould 
have been 7'educed to the situation of Burgoyne, thus pro- 
bably terminating the war in the second year of our 
independence. 

" The conduct of Putnam, on this occasion, entered 
deeply into the breast of Washington ; and we find 
him, in a letter from Valley Forge, dated March 6, 
1778, thus expressing himself, in reference to the com- 
mand of Rhode Island : ' They also know with more 
certainty than I do, what will be the determination of 
congress respecting Gen. Putnam ; and, of course, 
whether the appointment of him to such a command 
as that at Rhode Island would fall within their views. 
It being incumbent on me to observe, that with such 
materials as I am furnished, the work must go on, — 
whether well or ill is another matter. If, therefore, he 



199 

and other's are not laid aside, they must be placed where 
they ca7i least injure the service.^ " 

From Sparks' Writings of George Washington. 

Extract of a letter from Gen. Washington to Gen. 
Putnam : 

" Camp, 13th November, 1777. 

" Dear sir — The situation of our affairs in this quar- 
ter calls for every aid and every effort. I thei'^fore 
desire, that, without a mo?nenfs loss of time, you will 
detach as many effective rank and file, under proper 
generals and other officers, as will make the whole 
number, including those with Gen. McDougal, amount 
to twenty-five hundred privates and non-commissioned 
fit for duty. 

" I must urge you, by every motive, to send on this 
detachment without delay. No considerations are to 
prevent it. It is our first object to defeat, if possible, 
the army now opposed to us here. That the passes in 
the highlands may be perfectly secure, you will imme- 
diately call in all your forces now on command at out- 
posts. You must not think of covering a whole coun- 
try by dividing them ; and when they are ordered in 
and drawn together, they will be fully competent to 
repel any attempt that can be made from the enemy 
below, in their present situation. Besides, if you are 
threatened with an attack, you must get what aid you 
can from the militia. That you may not hesitate about 
complying with this order, you are to consider it as 
peremptory, and not to he dispensed with. Col. Mal- 
com's regiment will form a part of the detachment." 
(MS. letter.) 

Professor Sparks adds, in a note : 

" Gen. Putnam had formed a plan for a separate at- 
tack on the enemy at Staten Island, Paulas Hook, 
York Island, and Long Island, at the same time. He 
had obtained accurate knowledge of the enemy's 



200 

strength, and Gov. Trumbull had encouraged him to 
expect large reinforcements of militia from Connecticut 
for this purpose, which, with the continental forces un- 
der his command, and the aids he might procure from 
New York and New Jersey, he believed would enable 
him to execute his design. The above order from Gen. 
Washington put an end to the project." (Vol. v. p. 72.) 

Washington to Putnam. 

" Head-quarters, 19th Nov., 1777. 

" Dear sir — I am favored with yours of the 14th. 
/ could have wished that the regiments I had ordered 
had come on, because I do not Hke brigades to be 
broken by detachment. The urgency of Col. Hamil- 
ton's letter was owing to his knowledge of our wants 
in this quarter, and to a certainty there was no danger 
from New York, if you sent away all the continental 
troops that were with you, and waited to replace them 
by those expected down the river. I cannot but say 
there has been more delay in the march of the troops, 
than I think necessary ; and I could wish that in future 
?)iy order's may he immediately complied with, icithout 
arguing upon the propriety of them. If any accident 
ensues from obeying them, the fault will be upon me and 
not upon you. Bo pleased to inform me particularly 
. of the corps that have marched and are to march, and 
by what routes they are directed, that I may know 
how to dispatch orders to meet them upon the road if 
necessary." 

Mr. Sparks, in a note appended to this letter, gives 
the letter above alluded to from Col. Hamilton to Gen. 
Putnam ; which, in a hasty examination of Hamilton's 
Life, escaped my notice, if, in fact, it be therein contain- 
ed. He thus introduces it : 

" On Col. Hamilton's return from Albany, after exe- 
cuting his mission to Gen. Gates, he found, when he 
arrived at New Windsor, that -Gen. Putnam had not 
sent forward such reinforcements to Gen. Washington, 



201 

as were expected. Gen. Putnam seems to have had a 
special reluctance to part loith these troops, probably in 
consequence of his favorite project against New York. 
Col. Hamilton's letter was pointed and authoritative. 

" ' I cannot forbear confessing, (he observed,) that I 
am astonished and alarmed beyond measure to find 
that all his excellency's views have been hitherto frus- 
trated, and that no single step of those I mentioned to 
you has been taken to afford him the aid he absolutely 
stands in need of, and by delaying which the cause of 
America is put to the utmost conceivable hazard. I so 
fully explained to you the general's situation, that I could 
not entertain a doubt you would make it the first object 
of your attention to reinforce him with that speed the 
exigency of affairs demanded ; but I am sorry to say 
he will have too much reason to think other objects, in 
comparison with that insignificant one, have been up- 
permost. I speak freely and emphatically, because I 
tremble at the consequences of the delay that has hap- 
pened. Sir Henry Clinton's reinforcement is probably 
by this time with Gen. Howe. This will give him a 
decisive superiority over our army. What may be the 
issue of such a state of things, I leave to the feelings of 
every friend to his counti-y capable of foreseeing con- 
sequences. My expressions may perhaps have more 
warmth than is altogether proper, but they proceed 
from the overflowing of my heart in a matter where I 
conceive this continent essentially interested. 

" I wrote you from Albany, and desired you would 
send a thousand continental troops, of those first pro- 
posed to be left with you. This I understand has not 
been done. How the non-compliance can be answered 
to Gen. Washington, you can best determine. / now, 
siv, in the most explicit terms, by his excellency's author- 
ity, give it as a positive order from him, that all the conti- 
nental troops under your command may be immediately 
marched to King's ferry, there to cross the river and 
hasten to reinforce the army under him. The Massa- 



202 

chusetts militia are to be detained instead of them, until 
the troops coming from the northward arrive. When 
they do, they will replace, as far as I am instructed, the 
troops you shall send away in consequence of this re- 
quisition. The general's idea of keeping troops this 
way does not extend further than covering the country 
from any little irruptions of small parties, and carrying 
on the works necessary for the security of the river. 
As to attacking New York, that he thinks ought to be 
out of the question at present. If men could be spared 
from the other really necessary objects, he would have 
no objection to attempting a diversion by way of New 
York, but nothing further.'" (MS. letter. New Wind- 
sor, Nov. 9th.) 

Gen. Putnam enclosed a copy of this letter to Gen. 
Washington, and observed, " It contains some unjust 
and ungenerous reflections, {or I am conscious of having 
done every thing in my power to succor you as soon as 
possible. I shall go to New Windsor this day to see 
Col. Hamilton, and, until I have orders from you I can- 
not think of continuing at this post myself, and send 
ALL THE TROOPS AWAY. If they should go 
away, I am confident Gen. Howe will he furtlier rein- 
forced from this quarter." He then enumerated the 
number of regiments, which, from the best information 
he could get, he believed to be in New York. Such 
was the state of the particulars, which Gen. Washing- 
ton had before him, when he wrote the above letter to 
Gen. Putnam. 

Gen. Putnam, by his " too great intercourse with the 
enemy," stated by Chancellor Livingston, as will soon 
appear, had probably the means of knowing their con- 
dition in New York ; and they in return were doubtless 
well informed of the strength and situation of the Ameri- 
can army on the North river, before the expedition of 
Sir Henry Clinton. He appeared as loth to part with 
any of the troops under his command, as Pharoah was 
to permit the Jews of old to go out of Egypt ; and 



203 

nearly as much pains were required to wrest them from 
his clutches. The principal grounds for his neglect to 
comply with the orders of the commander-in-chief, pri- 
vately given out, was his premeditated expedition 
against New York ; but that he seriously intended 
such an enterprise on his own responsibility, under an 
expectation that the militia of the surrounding country 
would flock to his standard, after the experience they 
had of his generalship, is too absurd for a moment's 
consideration. He intimated the project to Gen. Gates, 
who remarked — " You may be sure they [the enemy] 
have nothing they care for in New York. Then why 
should you attack an empty town, which you know to 
he untenable the moment they bring their men-of-wat 
against it?" (Vol. v., p. 130.) 

Washington to Putnam. 

"Head-quarters, 2(1 December, 1777. 
" Dear sir — The importance of the North river in 
the present contest, and the necessity of defending it, 
are subjects which have been so frequently and so fully 
discussed, and are so well understood, that it is unne- 
cessary to enlarge upon them. These facts at once 
appear, when it is considered that it runs through a 
whole state ; that it is the only passage by which the 
enemy from New York, or any part of our coast, can 
ever hope to co-operate with an army from Canada ; 
that the possession of it is indispensably essential to 
preserve the communication between the eastern, mid- 
dle, and southern states ; and, further, that u^on its se- 
curity, in a great measure, depend our chief supplies of 
flour for the subsistence of such forces as we may have 
occasion for, in the course of the war, either in the 
eastern or southern departments, or in the country ly- 
ing high up on the west side of it. These facts are 
familiar to all ; they are familiar to you. I therefore 
request you, in the most urgent terms, to turn your 
most serious ajid active attention to this infinitely im- 



204 

portant subject. Seize the present opportunity, and 
employ your whole force and all the means in your 
power for erecting and completing, as far as it shall be 
possible, such works and obstructions as may be neces- 
sary to defend and secure the river against any future 
attempts of the enemy. You will consult Gov. Clinton, 
Gen. Parsons, and the French engineer, Col. Radiere, 
upon the occasion. By gaining the passage, you know 
the enemy have already laid waste and destroyed all 
the houses, mills, and towns accessible to them. Unless 
proper measures are taken to prevent them, they will 
renew their ravages in the spring, or as soon as the 
season will admit, and perhaps Albany, the only town 
in the state of any importance remaining in our hands, 
may undergo a like fate, and a general havoc and de- 
vastation take place. 

" To prevent these evils, therefore, I shall expect you 
will exert every nerve, and employ your whole force 
in future, while and whenever it is practicable, in con- 
structing and forwarding the proper works and means 
of defence. The troops must not be kept out on com- 
mand, and acting in detachments to cover the country 
below, which is a consideration infinitely less important 
and interesting." (p. 176.) 

Here Mr, Sparks observes, that " Gen. Washington 
wrote at the same time to Gov. Clinton, with a good 
deal of solicitude, on this subject. ' Gen. Gates was 
directed by congress (Washington remarked) to turn 
his views to this matter ; but, from some proceedings 
that havf just come to hand, he may be employed in 
the board of war, if it should be his choice. Should 
this be the case, nothing would be more pleasing to me, 
and I am convinced nothing would more advance the 
interest of the states, than for you to take the chief di- 
rection and superintendence of this business ; and I 
shall be happy if the affairs of government will permit 
you. If they will, you may rest assured that no aid in 
my power to afford you shall be withheld, and there 



205 

are no impediments on the score of delicacy or superior 
cotnmand, that shall not he removed!^ To this compli- 
mentary and iiattering proposal, Gov. Clinton replied : 
'The legislature of this state is to meet on the 5th of 
next month. The variety of important business to be 
prepared for their consideration, and other affairs of 
government, will employ so great a part of my time, 
that I should not be a-ble to give that attention to the 
works for the security of the river, which their impor- 
tance, and the short time in which they ought to be 
completed, require. But you may rest assured, sir, that 
every leisui-e hour shall be faithfully devoted to them, 
and my advice and assistance shall not on any consid- 
eration be withheld from the person who shall be in- 
trusted with the chief direction.'" (MS. letter, Decem- 
ber 20th. 

The following letter from the president of congress 
was ulso received by Gov. Clinton : 

John Hancock to Gov. Clinton. 

" Philadelphia, March 26, 1777. 

" Sir — As it is of the utmost importance that the for- 
tresses in the highlands of New York should be effec- 
tually secured, and that for this purpose an active and 
vigilant officer should be appointed to take the com- 
mand there, the congress have thought proper to fix 
upon you ; being fully persuaded that you will exert 
yourself to render the forts and other works now erect- 
ing there fit for defence. 

" They have likewise been pleased to promote you to 
the rank of brigadier-general in the army of the United 
States. I do myself the pleasure to enclose your com- 
mission, and have the honor to be, with respect, sir, 

" Your most obd't and very humble servant, 

" John Hancock, President. 

" Gen, Clinton. 

" You will please to acknowledge the receipt of this 
commission." 

18 



206 

Extract of a letter from Gen. Washington to Gen. 
Gates : 

"Head-quarters, 2(i December, 1777. 

" Sir — By a resolve of congress of the 5th of No- 
vember, you are directed, v^^ith a certain part of the 
northern army and the assistance of the militia of New 
York and the eastern states, to attempt the recovery 
of the posts upon the North river from the enemy, and 
to put them, if recovered, in the best posture of defence. 
The enemy having themselves evacuated forts Mont- 
gomery and Clinton, while the resolve was in agitation, 
but of which the congress could not at that time be in- 
formed, the first part falls of course ; but the last de- 
serves our most serious attention, as upon the posses- 
sion of the North river depends the security of all the 
upper part of the government of New York, and the 
communication between the eastern, middle, and south- 
ern states. * * * My not having heard from you, 
as to what steps you have taken towards carrying into 
execution the resolve for repairing the old works, or 
building new ones, or when you might be expected 
down into that part of the country, has made me hith- 
erto delay recalling Gen. Putnam from the command. 
But I beg leave to urge to you the necessity of your 
presence in that quarter, as speedily as possible ; for I 
fear few or no measures have yet been taken towards 
putting matters in a proper train for carrying on these 
important works. Gen. George Clinton will necessarily 
be employed in the affairs of his government ; but I 
have written to him, and I am certain he will call for 
and contribute all the aid that the state of New York 
can possibly afford. You are vested by the resolve of 
congress with authority to demand a proportionable 
share of assistance from the eastern states." 

Extract of a letter from Gen. Washington to Gen 
Putnam : 



207 

" Valley Forge, 25th January, 1778. 

" Dear sir — I begin to be very apprehensive that 
the season will entirely pass away, before any thing 
material will be done for the defence of Hudson's river. 
You are well acquainted with the great necessity there 
is for having the works finished as soon as possible ; 
and I must earnestly desire that the strictest attention' 
may be paid to every matter which may contribute to 
finishing and putting them in a respectable state before 
the spring. 

." I wish you had not waited for returns of the militia 
to furnish me with a statement of the troops in that 
quarter ; and, if you do not get them in before you re- 
ceive this, you will please to let me have an accurate 
return of the continental troops alone, it being abso- 
lutely necessary that I should know the strength of 
your command as soon as possible. I congratulate 
you on the success of your two little pa7-ties against 
the enemy, which I dare say will prevent their making 
so extensive excursions for some time at least." (Vol. 
v., p. 223.) 

Gen. Putnam's reply to this letter is dated the 13th 
of February. After giving some account of the state 
of the works at the Highlands, he adds : 

" Meigs's regiment, except those under inoculation 
for the small-pox, is at the White Plains ; and until bar- 
racks can be fitted for their reception, 1 have thought 
best to continue them there, to cover the country from 
the incursions of the enemy. Dubois's regiment is unfit 
to be ordered on duty, there being not one blanket in the 
regiment. Very few have either a shoe or a shirt, and 
most of them have neither stockings, breeches, nor over- 
halls. Several companies of enlisted artificers are in 
the same situation, and unable to work . in the field. 
Several hundred men are rendered useless, merely for 
want of necessary apparel, as no clothing is permitted 



208 

to be stopped at this post. Gen. Parsons has returned 
to camp some time since, and takes upon himself the 
command to-morrow, when I shall set out for Connec- 
ticut." (Vol. v., p. 224.) 

This latter, it will be observed, is dated the 13th of 
February : Gen. Putnam then held command at the 
Highlands, from which station he was not removed till 
the 16th of March following. Although an officer 
might be tolerated in saying metaphorically, that ' his 
men ai^e bare-foot, and otherwise naked ;' meaning 
thereby that they are very destitute of shoes and other 
proper clothing ; but the above specifications seem 
rather too hyperbolical to be admitted into an official 
statement of facts. The general must have had in his 
mind the description given by the facetious Falstaff of 
the condition of his company: 

" If I be not ashamed of my soldiers, I am a soused 
gurnet. No eye hath seen such scare-crows. I'll not 
march through Coventry with them, that's fiat ; nay, 
and the villains march wide betwixt the legs, as if they 
had gyves on ; for, indeed, I had the most of them out 
of prison. There^s hut a shirt and a half in all my com- 
pany ; and the half shirt is two napkins, tacked togeth- 
er, and thrown over the shoulders, like a herald's coat 
without sleeves ; and the shirt, to say the truth, stolen 
from my host .at Saint Al ban's, or the red-nose inn- 
keeper of Dainiry. But that's all one ; they'll find linen 
enough on every hedge." 

The extravagance of the above report of the condi- 
tion of his troops by Gen. Putnam would naturally lead 
the reader to suspect the correctness of the many ex- 
traordinary relations detailed, through him, in the nar- 
rative of his life by Col. Humphreys. 

Extract of a letter from Gen. Washington to Maj. 
Gen. McDoLigall. 

" Head-quartere, Valley Forge, 16th March, 1778. 
"Dear sir — I was favored with yours of the 17th 



209 

ultimo, in due time, and should have proceeded imme- 
diately upon the business of the inquiry, had not Gen. 
Putnam's private affairs required his absence for some 
little time. I have appointed Brig. Gen. Huntington 
and Col. Wigglesworth to assist you in this matter ; and 
enclosed you will find instructions empowering you, in 
conjunction with them, to carry on the inquiry agreea- 
bly to the resolve of congress. You will observe, by 
the words of the resolve, that the inquiry is to be made 
into the loss of forts Montgomery and Clinton ; and 
into the conduct of the principal officers com?nanding 
those forts. 

" Hence the officer commanding in chief in that de- 
partment will be consequently involved in the inquiry ; 
because, if he has been deficient in affording the proper 
support to those posts, when called upon to do it, the 
commandant and principal officers will of course make 
it appear by the evidence produced in their own justi- 
fication. I am not certain that Gen. Putnam has re- 
turned to Fishkill ; and I have therefore by the enclos- 
ed, which you will please to forward to him by express, 
given him notice that the inquiry is to be held, and 
have desired him to repair immediately to that post. 
Gen. Huntington and Col. Wigglesworth will set out 
as soon as they can make preparations for the journey. 

" Upon your arrival at the Highlands, you are to 
take upon you the command of the different posts in 
that department, of which I have advised Gen. Putnam. 
Your time at first will be principally taken up with the 
business which you now have in hand ; but I beg that 
your attention may be turned, as much as possible, to 
the completion of the works, or at least to putting them 
in such a state, that they may be able to resist a sudden 
attack of the enemy." 

Mr. Sparks observes — " There had been a series of 
misapprehensions on the subject of constructing milita- 
ry works on the Highlands, as well as a train of ob- 

18* 



stacks to their progress. On the 5th of November, 
congress had appointed Gen. Gates to command in the 
Highlands, or rather had connected that post with the 
northern department, and invested him with ample 
powers to carry on the works ; but, as he was made 
president of the board of war, he never entered upon 
these duties. Again, on the 18th of February, Gov. 
Clinton was requested to take the superintendence of 
the works ; but the multiplicity of his civil employments 
made it necessary for him to decline the undertaking. 
Gen. McDougall took the command on the 28th of 
March. Two days previously Kosciusko arrived, who 
had been appointed engineer in tlie place of Radierc. 
From that time the works were pressed forward with 
spirit. To the scientific skill and sedulous application 
of Kosciusko, the public was mainly indebted for the 
construction of the military defences at West Point." 

Gen. Washington to Gen. Putnam. 

" Valley Forge, 16th March, 1778. 

" Dear sir — The congress having, by a resolve of 
the 28th of November last, directed that an inquiry be 
made into the loss of forts Montgomery and Clinton, 
and into the conduct of the principal officers command- 
ing these forts, I have appointed Maj. Gen. McDougall, 
Brig. Gen. Huntington, and Col. Wigglesworth, to car- 
ry the resolve into execution. It is more than probable 
that the conduct of the officer commanding at the time 
in that department will be involved in the inquiry ; and 
I therefore desire, that you will repair immediately to 
Fishkill upon the receipt of this, to meet Gen. McDou- 
ffall and the other ffcntlemen. 

" Gen. McDougall is to take command of the posts 
in the Highlands. My reason for making this change 
is owing to the prejudices of the people, which, whether 
well or ill grounded, must be indulged ; and I should 
think myself wanting in justice to the public and candor 
towards you, were I to continue you in a command, 



211 

after I have been, almost in direct terms, informed that 
the people of the state of New York will not render 
the necessary support and assistance, while you remain 
at the head of that department. When the inquiry is 
finished I desire that you will return to Connecticut and 
superintend the forwarding on the new levies with the 
greatest expedition." 

Mr. Sparks remarks: "Not only were complaints 
uttered by the popular voice, but the political leaders 
of the state expressed discontent. Robert R. Livings- 
ton, then chancellor of New York, wrote to Gen. Wash- 
ington on the subject in a pointed manner. 

" ' Your excellency,' said he, ' is not ignorant of the 
extent of Gen. Putnam's capacity and diligence ; and 
how well soever they may qualify him for this impor- 
tant command, the prejudices to which his imprudent 
lenity to the disaffected, and too great intercourse with 
the enemy, have given rise, have greatly injured his in- 
fiuence. How far the loss of Fort Montgomerij and 
the subsequent ravages of the enemy are to he attributed 
to him, I will not venture to say ; as this will necessari- 
ly be determined by a court of inquiry, whose determi- 
nations I would not anticipate. Unfortunately for him, 
the current of popular opinion in this and the neighbor- 
ing states, and as far as I can learn in the troops under 
his command, runs strongly against him. For my own 
part, / respect his bravery and former services, and sin- 
cerely lament that his patriotism will not suffer him to 
take the repose to which his age and past services 
justly entitle him.' " (MS. letter, Jan. 14th.) 

Gov. Clinton also wrote pressingly to Gen. Washing- 
ton requesting the removal of Gen. Putnam from the 
command at the Highlands ; as may be seen in the 
governor's inedited manuscripts in the possession of the 
family, as I am informed by one of the executors of his 
estate. 

Although Gen. Washington announced to Gen. Put- 



212 

nam his removal from the post he held, in the most de- 
licate manner, no one knew better than he, whether the 
prejudices against him were well or ill grounded. His 
directions to Gen. Putnam to return to Connecticut, 
after the inquiry was finished, " and superintend the 
forwarding on the new levies," struck me, at first view, 
as very singular, as the inquiry might lead to his sus- 
pension or dismission from the s^'vice. On reflection, 
I concluded there must have been an understanding be- 
tween Gen. Washington and the members of the board 
he had appointed to act in this case, and that Gen. Put- 
nam should be let off without censure ; it being under- 
stood that he should, in future, be placed in situations 
less responsible at least, than those he had before occu- 
pied. Accordingly, as stated by Col. Humphreys, in 
his Life of Putnam, " upon full knowledge and mature 
deliberation of facts on the spot, they [the court of in- 
quiry] reported the loss [of forts Montgomery and 
Clinton] to have been occasioned by want of men, and 
not by any fault in the commanders." 

The report is evidently very just, in respect to the 
defence of the forts, which were carried by superior 
numbers. And this was the fault of the commander 
of the department, whose force, as Marshall justly says, 
" was, if properly applied, more than competent to the 
defence of the forts against any numbers which could 
be spared from New York." 

Gen. Washington to Gen. Putnam. 

" Head-quarters, Valley Forge, 29th April, 1778. 
" Dear sir — I am pleased to hear that your prospects 
of procuring recruits and drafts for the army bore a 
more favorable appearance, than when you wrote be- 
fore. I must beg you to forward on those for the regi- 
ments at this camp as fast as possible. I expect in a 
few days a general plan of operations for the campaign 
will be settled ; if one siinilar to that which you men- 
tion should be fixed upon, your assistance will still be 



213 

wanting in Connecticut to arrange and forward the mi- 
litia, lokich we shall have occasion to draw from that 
state, and therefore I wish you to continue there till you 
hear from ine." 

Washington, it appears, was determined to adhere 
to his resolution, as before expressed in a letter from 
Valley Forge, dated March 6, 1778. 

Extract of a letter from Gen. Washington to the 
president of congress : 

" Middlebrook, 14th April, 1779. 
" The plan of operations for the campaign being de- 
termined, a commanding officer was to be appointed 
for the Indian expedition. This command, according 
to all present appearances, will probably be of the second 
if not of the first importance for the campaign. The 
officer conducting it has a flattering prospect of ac- 
quiring more credit, than can be expected by any other 
this year ; and he has the best reason to hope for suc- 
cess. Gen. Lee, from his situation, was out of the 
question ; Gen. Schuyler (who, by the way, would have 
been most agreeable to me) was so uncertain of con- 
tinuing in the army, that I could not appoint him ; Gen. 
Putnam I need^not mention. I therefore made the offer 
of it, for the appointment could not longer be delayed, 
to Gen. Gates, who was next in seniority." 

I now return to the biography. 

Horse Neck Expedition. 

In order to cover the country adjoining to the Sound, and 
to support the garrison of West Point, in ease of an attack, 
Maj. Gen. Putnam was stationed for the winter at Reading, 
in Connecticut. He had under his orders the brigade of 
New Hampshire, the two brigades of Connecticut, the corps 
of infantry commanded by Hazen, and that of cavalry by 
Sheldon. 

About the middle of tointer, while Gen. Putnam was on a 
visit to his out-post at Horse Neck, he found Gov. Tryon ad- 



214 

vancing upon that town with a corps of fifteen hundred men. 
To oppose these Gen. Putnam had only a picquet of ojie hun- 
dred and ffty men, and two iron field-pieces, without horses 
or drag-ropes. He, however, planted his cannon on the high 
ground, by the meeting house, and retarded their approach 
by firing several times, unal, perceiving the horse (support- 
ed by the infantry) about to charge, he ordered the picquet 
to provide for their safety, by retiring to a swamp inaccessi- 
ble to horse, and secured his own, by plunging down the 
steep precipice at the church upon a full trot. This preci- 
pice is so steep, where he descended, as to have artificial 
stairs, composed of nearly one hundred stone steps, for the 
accommodation of foot-passengers. There the dragoons, 
who were but a sword's length from him, stopped short ; for 
the declivjty was so abrupt, that they ventured not to follow; 
and, before they could gain the valley, by going round the 
brow of the hill in the ordinary road, he was far enough be- 
yond their reach. He continued his route, unmolested, to 
Stanford : from whence, having strengthened his picquet by 
the junction of some militia, he came back again, and, in 
tui'n, pursued Gov. Tryon in his retreat. As he rode down 
the precipice, one ball, of the many fired at him, went through 
his beaver : but Gov. Tryon, by way of compensation for 
spoiling his hat, sent him, soon afterwards, as a present, a 
complete suit of clothes.* 

I will now give Marshall's accounr of this famous 
affair : 

"In July, 1779, an expedition was determined on by 
the British against Connecticut, the command of which 
was given to Gov. Tryon, a major-general in the army. 

" On the 3d of July, the troops destined for this expe- 
dition, amounting to about two thousand six hundred 
men, embarked at Frog's Neck, on the Sound, and sail- 
ing eastward reached New Haven bay on the 5th, in 

* In this retreat, though with a very inferior force, Gen. Putnam made 
about fifty prisoners, part of whom were wounded, and the whole were the 
next day sent, under the escort of an otTicer's guard, to the British hnes 
for exchange. It was for the humanity and kindness of Putnam to the 
wounded prisoners, that Gov. Tryon compUmented him with the " suit of 
clothes." — Boston Edit. 



215 

the morning. They effected their landing, took pos- 
session of the town, and destroyed whatever naval and 
military stores could be found. In the afternoon of the 
next day, they re-embarked, and proceeded eastward 
along the coast, to the village of Fairfield. 

" Here they experienced rather more opposition than 
they had encountered at New Haven. The militia col- 
lected in great numbers, and showed a considerable de- 
gree of resolution. But, as they were unequal to the 
defence of the town, this flourishing village was reduced 
to ashes. 

" The troops being re-embarked at Fairfield, the fleet 
crossed the Sound to Huntington bay, where it remain- 
ed until the 11th, when it recrossed that water, after 
which the troops were landed, in the night, on the Cow 
Pasture, a peninsula on the east of the bay of Nor- 
walk. 

"About the same time, a much larger detachment 
from the British army directed its course towards 
Horse Neck, and made demonstrations of a design to 
penetrate into the country in that direction. 

" On the first intelligence that Connecticut was in- 
vaded. Gen. Parsons, who was a native of that state, 
had been directed by Gen. Washington to hasten to 
the scene of action, for the purpose of giving confidence 
to his countrymen, and of guiding their efforts. Placing 
himself at the head of about one hundred and fifty con- 
tinental troops, who were supported by considerable 
bodies of militia, he attacked the British in the morning 
of the 12th, so soon as they were in motion, and kept 
up through the day an irregular distant fire. 

•' In contemplation of the enterprise under Tryon, 
Sir Henry Clinton had ordered a considerable body of 
troops from Newport. On receiving intelligence from 
Gates of their embarkation, Gen. Washington directed 
Glover's brigade to be immediately put in motion, and 
to proceed with as much dispatch as possible towards 
the Hudson. While on the march, orders were given 



216 

him to join the mihtia of Connecticut, and assist them 
in /repelling the invaders of that state. Gen, Heath, 
with iiis division, was also directed to take a position 
about Ridgefield, or Bedford, so as to countenance and 
aid the militia as much as possible. 

" But before the continental troops ordered to the re- 
lief of Connecticut could afford any real service, em- 
ployment was found on the Hudson for the whole force 
under the immediate command of Sir Henry Clinton, 
and all further operations against that state were relin- 
quished." (Vol. iv., p. 67.) 

It is strange that Gen. Putnam, to whom Col. Hum- 
phreys says he was indebted for the narrative of his 
life, if he had any concern in the affair at Horse Neck, 
should not remember the season of the year in which 
it took place, fixing it at the most unpropitious and un- 
usual period for such an enterprise, about the middle of 
lainter, whereas it actually occurred in July. There 
can be no mistake in this case. Judge Marshall, from 
the documents before him, gives the day of the month, 
July .3d, when the expedition embarked, and, on the 
12th, those who landed at Horse Neck were attacked 
by Gen. Parsons. Marshall, it is seen, makes no men- 
tion of Putnam as taking any part in this skirmisli. 
The one Jmndred. andffty continental troops, said to be 
commanded by him, were under the orders of Gen. 
Parsons. Indeed, it does not appear that Gen. Putnam 
had any special command at this time, but on the con- 
trary, that his duties were confined to the superintend- 
ence of the recruiting service in Connecticut. But as 
senior officer in that state, he seems to have assumed 
the action of his subordinates as his own. 

If any orders were issued through Gen. Putnam, 
during his continuance in Connecticut in the service 
aforesaid, to forward, to particular posts, troops with 
their officers who were stationed in the vicinity of his 
quarters, it would appear to be done out of compliment 
to his rank. .. 



217 

Provided Putnam had under his orders the respecta- 
ble force stated by Humphreys, wliy were they not 
ordered to aid in expeUing the invaders of Connecticut, 
instead of Gens. Parsons, Glover, and Heath, with the 
troops under their command ? Marshall says nothing 
of the troops stationed at Reading. In fact, the biogra- 
])hers of Putnam are at variance in regard to his own 
station. Pcabody fixes it at Danbury instead of Read- 
ing. 

Marshall neglects to state that the continental troops 
retired to a swamp on account of its being inaccessible 
to horse, ivhen the British infantry, loho supported the 
dragoons, 7night easily follow ; nor does he say there 
were any mounted men in the expedition. He is 
equally silent in regard to the fifty prisoners, said by 
Humphreys to be taken by the Americans, and sent 
with so much gallantry, by Gen. Putnam, to the British 
lines for exchange, the next day after the rencounter. 
The liberality of Putnam to the enemy, upon all occa- 
sions, seems unbounded. By the present, however, 
which he received from Tryon, in this instance, he 
had his reward. Such civilities, by the way, betwixt 
generals commanding opposing armies, appear very 
unique and improper. Where individuals fight on their 
own special account, the case is different. The eccen- 
tric John Randolph demanded of Henry Clay a new 
coat, in compensation for one which had been pierced 
with a ball in a duel betwixt those gentlemen. Whether 
Mr. Clay complied with the request, or not, the writer 
is not informed. 

The main item of the drama remains still to be taken 
notice of. I allude to Humphreys' account of Gen. 
Putnam's miraculous escape, by descending the steep 
precipice in the vicinity of the scene of action. And 
here I find, that notwithstanding the story has been 
stereotyped again and again, introduced into school 
books, and exhibited in pictorial representations, it turns 
out after all to be fabulous ; that Putnam did not de- 

19 



218 

scend the dangerous declivity, in manner and form sta- 
ted, but glided down the hill in the most easy and safe 
style conceivable ; although, it would appear, to the 
sore discomfort of his horse. 

The following statement, from a relative of Gen. Put- 
nam, may be relied upon as being derived from the 
general himself; and it puts a very different face upon 
the transaction to what has hitherto been universally 
believed to be the fact. He says — " It may not be 
amiss to state, that it is generally supposed Putnam 
came down the steps ; we have seen engravings repre- 
senting him thus. But he told Gen. Samuel Grosver- 
nor, his son-in-law, the manner of the descent ; ' The 
horse was well trained and sagacious, and came down 
the hill in a sliding manner, resting upon his haunches.^" 
Here the general was as much at his ease as though 
sitting in an arm-chair at his head-quarters. This cor- 
rection is contained in an article prepared not long 
since for a periodical, during the controversy concern- 
ing the validity of Humphreys' Life of Putnam. 

Here the whole gist of the story, which has been 
made of so great account, the adventurous descent of 
the one hundred stairs, upon a full trot, is proved to be 
false by Gen. Putnam himself And all the plates con- 
taining this representation are become useless. It is 
very extraordinary, that those who took part in the ac- 
tion, and others who resided near the scene of it, should 
not have contradicted this erroneous statement so long 
palmed upon the public. 

I find that the Rev. Dr. Jedediah Morse, in his "An- 
nals of the American Revolution," quotes Humphreys' 
account of the skirmish at Horse Neck entire, and gives 
his authority. He also gives a pictorial representation 
of Putnam's famous escape, in which the general is de- 
picted as throwing the reins to his horse, extending 
both arms, and brandishing in his right hand his sword, 
as it were, in defiance of the enemy, in the same man- 
ner as he is represented by Col. Trumbull, in his paint- 



219 

ing of the retreat from Bunker Hill. Mr. Otis, in his 
translation of Botta's History of the War, in default of 
the author's takinc: notice of the wonderful affair, foists 
into the work a plate I'epresenting Putnam s achievement, 
with an abridgment of Humphreys' account engraved 
upon it. This he introduces, very mal-apropos, where 
the history relates the landing of British troops at Ver- 
planck's Point, previous to the storming of forts Mont- 
gomery and Clinton, and when Putnam was ascending 
to the Heights, instead of descending to the plain, as 
represented in the plate. 

Mr. Charles A. Goodrich, in an abridged History of 
the United States, for the use of schools, gives the 
Horse Neck exploit, with an engraved representation 
of it. And Dr. Lieber, in his " Encyclopedia Ameri- 
cana," gives a brief account of the same ; but prudently 
omits to state that the expedition took place in the mid- 
dle of winter. 

Col. Humphreys seems to have been the historical 
pioneer of the American revolutionary war ; and his 
work has served as a text-book for future historians of 
that event, by reason that most writers of history pre- 
fer taking on trust what is ready prepared to their 
hand, rather than submit to the trouble of investigation 
for the purpose of ascertaining facts. Some authors, 
however, must be excepted in this case, particularly 
Marshall, who derived his information from original, 
authentic documents. 

McPherson. 

I will here give an instance of the great indulgence 
which Gen. Putnam was in the habit of granting to the 
enemy, as recorded by Humphreys. 

In the early part of the winter of 1777, Gen. Putnam 
was directed to take post at Princeton, where he re- 
mained until the spring. 

In the battle of Princeton, Capt. M'Pherson, of the 17th 
British regiment, a very worthy Scotchman, was desperately 



220 

wounded in the lungs, and left with the dead. Upon Gen. 
Putnam's arrival there, he found him languishing in extreme 
distress, without a surgeon, without a single accoinmodation, 
and without a friend to solace the sinking spirit in the gloomy 
hour of death. He visited, and immediately caused every 
possible comfort to be administered to him. Capt. M'Pher- 
son, who, contrary to all appearances, recovered, after hav- 
ing demonstrated to Gen. Putnam the dignified sense of obli- 
gations which a generous mind wishes not to conceal, one 
day, in familiar conversation, demanded, "Pray, sir, Avhat 
countryman are you ?" — " An American," answered the 
latter. — "Not a Yankee?" said the other. — "A full blood- 
ed one," replied the general. " By G — d, I am sorry for 
that," rejoined M'Pherson, " I did not think there could be 
so much goodness and generosity in an American, or, indeed, 
in anybody but a Scotchman." 

While the recovery of Capt. M'Pherson was doubtful, he 
desired that Gen. Putnam would permit a friend in the Brit- 
ish army at Brunswick to come and assist him in making 
HIS WILL. Gen. Putnam, who had then only fifty men in 
his w'hole command, was sadly embarrassed by the proposi- 
tion. On the one hand, he was not content that a British 
officer should have an opportunity to spy out the weakness 
of his post; on the other, it was scarcely in his nature to 
refuse complying with a dictate of humanity. He luckily 
bethought himself of an expedient which he hastened to put 
in practice. A flag of truce was dispatched with Capt. 
M'Pherson's request, but under an injunction not to return 
with his friend until after dark. In the evening lights were 
placed in all the rooms of the college, and in every apart- 
ment of the vacant houses throughout the town. During the 
whole night, the fifty men, sometimes altogether, and some- 
times in small detachments, were marched from different 
quarters by the house in which M'Pherson lay. Afterwards 
it was known that the officer who came on the visit, at his 
return, reported that Gen. Putnam's army, upon the most 
moderate calculation, could not consist of less than four or 
five thousand men. 

This M'Pherson seems to have been a very trouble- 
some subject, and probably unreasonable in his demands, 



221 

in respect both to accommodations and attendance; and 
consequently his complaints to Gen. Putnam unfounded, 
whose good nature, of which so much is said by his bio- 
grapher, he imposed upon. A half-dozen prisoners like 
M'Pherson, as he is here represented, would require the 
services of Putnam's whole command at this time. 

It is not likely, that the little finesse of parading fifty 
men, in the manner stated, had the least influence in 
deceiving the enemy in regard to the number of men 
stationed at Princeton. There were tories enough 
either there, or in its vicinity, to give them all the in- 
telligence desired on this head. Besides, M'Pherson 
himself was doubtless aware of the paucity of troops 
at this post, and could give information on the subject 
to his friend. The British troops then in Jersey had 
gone into winter-quarters at Brunswick, and probably 
had no sufficient inducement to undertake an expedition 
at that season. 

The precaution, however, which Gen. Putnam took 
to prevent his weakness being discovered by the enemy, 
shows that he considered the admission of a British 
officer into his camp hazardous ; common prudence, 
therefore, one would think, should have induced him 
not to permit it, especially to gratify so stupid a request 
as that of M'Pherson, and when the British were treat- 
ing American prisoners with savage barbarity. 

Mrs. Margaret Coghlan. 

The following sketch of some circumstances in the 
hfe of Mrs. Coghlan gives further proofs of the impru- 
dent indulgence shown to the enemy by Gen. Putnam, 
The sketch is copied from Davis's Memoir of A, Burr, 
vol. i., p. 86. 

" From the year 1778 to 1795, Mrs. Margaret Cogh- 
lan made no inconsiderable noise in the court and fash- 
ionable circles of Great Britain and France. She was 
the theme of conversation among the lords, the dukes, 
and the M. P's. Having become the victim, in early 

19* 



222 

life, of licentious, dissolute, and extravagant conduct, 
alternately she was reveling in wealth, and then sunken 
in poverty. At length, in 1793, she published her own 
memoirs. Mrs. Coghlan was the daughter of Maj. 
MoncriefTe, of the British army, who was Lord Corn- 
wallis's brigade-major. He had three wives. She was 
a daughter of the first. Mrs. Coghlan is introduced 
here, because her early history is intimately connected 
with the subject of these memoirs. 

" In July, 1776, she resided in Elizabethtown, New 
Jersey. Her father was with Lord Percy, on Staten 
Island. In her memoirs, she says — ' Thus destitute of 
friends, / icrote to Gen. Putnam, who instantly answer- 
ed my letter by a very kind invitation to his house, as- 
suring me that he respected my father, and was only 
his enemy in the field of battle ; but, in private life, he 
or any of his family might always command his servi- 
ces. On the next day he sent Col. Webb, one of his 
aids-de-camp, to conduct me to New York. I was 
received with great tenderness, both by Mrs. Putnam 
and her daughters ; and on the next day I was intro- 
duced by them to Gen. and Mrs. Washington, who 
likewise made it their study to show me every mark 
of regard. But / seldom tons nlloived to be alone, al- 
though sometimes I found an opportunity to escape to 
the gallery on the top of the house, where ?«?/ chief de- 
light was to view, with a telescopic, our fleet and army 
at Staten Island. * * * * At length, a flag of 
truce arrived from Staten Island, with letters from Maj. 
MoncrieflTc, demanding me ; for he now considered me 
as a prisoner. Gen. Washington would not acquiesce 
in this demand, saying / should remain a hostage for 
my father's good behavior. I must here observe, that 
when Gen. Washington refused to deliver me up, the 
noble-minded Putnam, as if it loere by instinct, laid his 
hand on his sword, and with a violent oath, swore that 
7ny father's request should be granted. The command- 
er-in-chief, whose influence governed congress, soon 



223 

prevailed on them to consider me as a person whose 
situation required their strict attention ; and that I 
might not escape, they ordered me to Kingsbridge, 
where in justice I must say, that I was treated with the 
utmost tenderness. Gen. Mifflin there commanded. 
His lady was a most accomplished, beautiful woman.'" 
The letter from Gen. Putnam, of which Mrs. Coghlan 
speaks, is found among the papers of Col. Burr, and is 
in the following words : 

'"New York, July 26, 1776. 

"•I should have answered your letter sooner, but 
had it not in my power to write you any thing satis- 
factory. The omission of my title, in Maj. Moncrieffe's 
letter, is a matter I regard not in the least ; nor does it 
in any way influence my conduct in this affair, as you 
seem to imagine. Any political difference alters him 
not to me in a private capacity. As an officer, he is 
my enemy, and obliged to act as such, be his private 
sentiments what they will. As a man, I owe him no 
enmity ; but far from it will, with pleasure, do any kind 
office in my power for him or any of his connections. 

" ' I have,, agreeably to your desire, waited on his 
excellency to endeavor to obtain permission for you to 
go to Staten Island. He informs me, that Lieut. Col. 
Patterson, who came with the last flag, said he was 

empowered to offer the exchange of for Gov. 

Skeene. And I am desired to inform you, if this ex- 
change is made, you will have liberty to pass out with 
Gov. Skeene, but that no flag will be sent solely for 
that purpose. 

"'Maj. William Livingston was lately here, and in- 
formed me that you had an inclination to live in this 
city, and that all the ladies of your acquaintance having 
left town, and Mrs. Putnam and two daughters being 
here, proposes your slaying loith them. If agreeable to 
you, be assured, miss, you will be sincerely welcome. 
"Y^u will, I think, be in a more probable way of accom- 



224 

plishing the end you wish, that of seeing your father, 
and may depend upon every civihty from, miss, your 
obedient servant, Israel Putnam.' 

"This letter is in the handwriting of Maj. Burr, and 
undoubtedly prepared by him for the signature of the 
general. Miss Moncrieffe was at this time in her four- 
teenth year. She had travelled, and, for one of her 
age, had mingled much in the world. She was accom- 
plished and considered handsome. 

•' Burr perceived immediately that she was an extra- 
ordinary young woman. Eccentric and volatile, but 
endowed with talents, natural as well as acquired, of a 
peculiar character. Residing in the family of Gen. 
Putnam with her, and enjoying the opportunity of a 
close and intimate intercourse, he was enabled to judge 
of her qualifications, and came to the conclusion, not- 
withstanding her youth, that she was well calculated 
for a spy, and thought it not improbable that she might 
be employed in that capacity by the British. Maj. 
.Burr suggested his suspicions to Gen. Putnam, and re- 
commended that she be conveyed to her friends soon 
as might be convenient. She was soon after removed 
to Kingsbridge, where Gen. Mifflin commanded. After 
a short residence there, leave was granted for her de- 
parture to Staten Island." 

There appears to have been a deep-laid scheme by 
Maj. Moncrieffe for gaining information of the condition 
of the American army by means of his daughter, and 
Gen. Putnam is pitched upon as the medium through 
which to effect the purpose. It would seem that Put- 
nam and Moncrieffe had been previously acquainted, 
by the friendly and respectful manner in which the 
former speaks of the latter, in his letter to Miss Mon- 
crieffe ; and also by the familiar style used by the ma- 
jor in reference to Putnam, in the letter to his daughter, 
to which allusion is made, omitting his title. At any 
rate, either from this cause, or from the known in(#ul- 



225 

gent character of Putnam, Maj. Moncrieffe was anxious 
to have his daughter placed under his protection ; and, 
by much shrewd management, the object was effected. 

The idea held out by Miss M. of a wish to be con- 
veyed to Staten Island was a sheer finesse, to get into 
the family of Gen. Putnam. Before her arrival in New 
York, Gen. Washington had no objection to her being 
sent to her father, on the first convenient occasion ; but 
on her introduction to him, he at once perceived her 
capability of doing mischief, and that her father had a 
design in this affair. He accordingly ordered her to 
be strictly watched, to prevent her making communica- 
tions to the enemy. The easy, confiding Gen. Putnam 
had no conception of any danger from this source. 

Finally, when Maj. Moncrieffe found his plan was 
detected, and that he could expect no important intelli- 
gence from his daughter, he makes a bluster about her 
being retained as a prisoner, and demands that she be 
sent to him at Staten Island. Gen. Washington thought 
it, at the time, unsafe to permit her departure, although 
he afterwards consented to it. As to retaining her as 
" a liostage for her father's good behavior," if Wash- 
ington made such a declaration, it must have been in 
joke. The manner, however, in which Gen. Putnam 
is said to have expressed himself, both by word and 
action, on Washington's refusal to accede to Moncrieffe's 
request, was supren:iely ridiculous. 

The Military Conduct of Col. Aaron Burr and 
Gen. Putnam contrasted. 

Col. Richard Piatt, in a letter to Com. Valentine 
Morris, dated New York, January 27, 1814, in answer 
to a request of the latter, to be informed what was the 
reputation and services of Col. Burr during the revolu- 
tionary war? in the course of his remarks, says — " I 
must now present him [Burr] in contrast with his 
equals in rank, and his superiors in command. 

" In September, 1777, the British came out of the city 



226 

of New York, on the west side of the Hudson river, 
about two thousand strong, for the purpose of plunder- 
ing and devastating the adjacent country, and capturing 
the pubUc stores. Col. Burr was with his regiment, 
distant about thirty miles, when he heard of the enemy, 
and yet he was in their camp, and captured or destroy- 
ed their picket-guard before the next morning. For 
two days and nights he never slept. His regular force 
did not exceed three hundred men; but, by surprising 
the British pickets, he struck consternation into their 
ranks, and they fled with precipitation, leaving behind 
them their plunder and part of their stores. The fol- 
lowing letters afford ample details." [An extract of 
one is here given.] 

" Statement of Judge George Gardner, dated New- 
Durgh, December 20, 1812 : 

"' In September, 1777, the regiment called Malcom's 
regiment lay at SufTren's, in the Clove, under the com- 
mand of Lieut. Col. Burr. Intelligence having been 
received, that the enemy were in Hackensack in great 
force, and advancing into the country. Col. Burr imme- 
diately marched with the etiective men, except a guard 
to take care of the camp. I understood that while we 
were on the march, an officer arrived express from 
Maj. Gen. Putnam, who commanded at Peekskill, re- 
commending or ordering Col. Burr to retire with the 
public stores to the mountains: to which Col. Burr re- 
plied, that he could not run away from an enemy whom 
he had not seen, and that he would be answerable for 
the public stores and for his men.' 

"Judge Gardner then relates the manner in which 
they proceeded, and surprised the picket-guard of the 
enemy, ' most of whom,' he says, ' were killed. The 
enemy, probably alarmed by these threatening appear- 
ances, retreated the next day, leaving behind them the 
greater part of the cattle and plunder they had 
taken.' " 

Col. Piatt then places in contrast, to this enterprise 



227 

of Col. Burr, the conduct of Gen. Putnam, on a like 
occasion. " On the east side of the Hudson, at Peeks- 
kill," he observes, " was a major-general of our army, 
with an effective force of about two thousand men. 
The enemy advanced, and our general retired without 
engaging them. Our barracks and storehouses, and 
the whole village of Peekskill, were sacked and burnt, 
and the country pillaged." (Davis's Mem. A. Burr.) 

Letter of Washington to Putnam. 

A singular letter is appended to Humphreys' Life of 
Gen. Putnam, addressed to the latter by Gen. Wash- 
ington. As Washington kept copies of all his letters, 
and as this is not found in Mr. Sparks' collection of his 
works, there is reason to suspect its authenticity; espe- 
cially as Mr. Peabody, in his Life of Putnam, published 
in 1839, has made a very significant addition to the 
copy thereof in the edition of Humphreys', issued in 
1818. 

The object of Putnam's letter, to which this purports 
to be an answer, seems to have been to obtain the 
opinion and perhaps influence of Washington in respect 
to his pay when not in actual service, of which the 
following are extracts : 

"Head-quarters, 2d June, 1783. 

"Dear sir — Your favor of the 20th of May I received 
with much pleasure. For I can assure you that among 
the many worthy and meritorious officers with whom 
I have had the happiness to be connected in the ser- 
vice through the course of this war, and from whose 
cheerful assistance [and advice I have received much 
support and confidence] in the various and trying vicis- 
situdes of a complicated contest, the name of Putnam is 
not forgotten." 

The passage in brackets is interpolated by Mr. Pea- 
body, a liberty, it is believed, not often taken in a per- 
sonal correspondence so near the time of its occurrence, 



228 

whatever may have been the case in ancient polemical 
writings, not so easily detected. 

When the correspondence of these generals, in the 
course of the war, is taken into consideration, it will 
hardly appear credible that Washington would seri- 
ously express himself as above stated. The remarks, 
in fact, will admit of a double sense. Washington 
had, indeed, cause on many accounts not to forget Put- 
nam. Among others may be mentioned his conduct at- 
the battle of Long Island, and during his command on 
the North river, especially his refusing to obey the or- 
ders of the former, by his accredited aid-de-camp, Col. 
Hamilton, to forward reinforcements to him at Phila- 
delphia. "Call you this backing your friends?" The 
letter contains the following clause : 

" The secretary at war, who is now here, informs 
me that you have ever been considered as entitled to 
full pay since your absence from the field, and that you 
will still be considered in that light until the close of the 
war ; at which period you will be equally entitled to 
the same emoluments of half-pay or commutation as 
other officers of your rank." 

At the date of this letter the war was virtually at an 
find. Provisional articles of peace had been signed at 
Paris, by commissioners appointed for that purpose, 
November the 30th, 1782 ; and although the definitive 
treaty was not signed till the 30th of September, 1783, 
there had been no act of hostility between the two ar- 
mies, and a state of peace actually existed from the 
commencement of the year 1783. 

The complimentary letter of Gen. Washington, there- 
fore, must be presumed to have originated from a desire 
on his part to bury in oblivion all former causes of dis- 
satisfaction, and to cultivate the friendly feelings of all 
those who had acted under his command during the 
revolutionary struggle, on the near approach of their 
final separation. 

And he probably hoped, by this conciliatory letter. 



229 

to abate the mortification of Gen. Putnam at being so 
long detained from the army. 

" In the campaign of 1779," says Humphreys, "which 
terminated the career of Gen. Putnam's services, he 
commanded the Maryland Hne, posted at Buttermilk 
Falls, about two miles below West Point." This, by 
the way, was not a separate command. The post was 
a dependence of West Point, where Washington com- 
manded in person at this time ; which is probably the 
reason that Marshall says nothing of this command. 

When the army went into winter-quarters at Mor- 
ristown, Putnam made a visit to Connecticut, where he 
had an attack of paralysis which deprived him of the 
use of his limbs on one side in a considerable degree. 

In that situation he has constantly remained, favored with 
such a portion of bodily activity as enables him to walk and 
to ride moderately ; and retaining, unimpaired, his relish for 
enjoyment, his love of pleasantry, his strength of memory, 
and all the faculties of his mind. As a proof that the powers 
of memory are not weakened, it ought to be observed, that 
he has lately repeated, from recollection, all the adventures 
of his life, which are here recorded, and which had formerly 
been communicated to the compiler in detached conversa- 
tions. 

In patient, yet fearless expectation of the approach of the 
King of Terrors, whom he hath full often faced in the field 
of Mood, the Christian hero now enjoys, in domestic retire- 
ment, the fruit of his early industry. 

The editor of the copy here used, adds : 
On the 19th of May, 1790, Putnam ended a life which had 
been spent in cultivating and defending the soil of his birth. 
Much of his life had been spent in arms, and the military 
of the neighborhood were desirous that the rites of sepulture 
should be accompanied with martial honors : they felt that 
this last tribute of respect was due to a soldier, who, from a 
patriotic love of country, had devoted the best part of his life 
to the defence of her rights, and the establishment of her in- 
dependence — and who, through long and trying services, was 
never once reproached for misconduct as an officer; but when 

20 



230 

disease compelled him to retire from service, left it, beloved 
and respected by the army and his chief, and with high 
claims to the grateful remembrance of his country. 

Under these impressions, the grenadiers of the 11th regi- 
ment, the independent corps of artillerists, and the militia 
companies in the neighborhood, assembled each at their ap- 
pointed rendezvous, early on the morning of the 21st, and 
having repaired to the late dwelling-house of the deceased, 
a suitable escort was formed, attended by a procession of 
the Masonic brethren present, and a large concourse of re- 
spectable citizens, which moved to the Congregational meet- 
inghouse in Brooklyn ; and, after divine service performed 
by the Rev. Dr. Whitney, all that was earthly of a patriot 
and hero was laid in the silent tomb, under the discharge of 
volleys from the infantry, and minute guns from the artillery. 

An eulogy was pronounced at the grave by Dr. A. 
Waldo ; who said of the defunct — 

Born a hero — whom nature taught and cherished in the 
lap of innumerable toils and dangers, he was terrible in hat- 
tie! But, from the amiableness of his heart — when carnage 
ceased, his humanity spread over the field, like the refresh- 
ing zephyrs of a summer's evening ! — The prisoner — the 
wounded — the sick — the forlorn — experienced the delicate 
sympathy of this Soldier's Pillar. — The poor, and the 
needy, of every description, received the charitable bounties 

oiihis CHRISTIAN SOLDIER. 

He pitied littleness — loved goodness — admired greatness, 
and ever aspired to its glorious summit ! The friend, the 
servant, and almost unparalleled lover of his country ; worn 
with honorable age, and the former toils of war — Putnam ! 
*' Rests from his labors." 

Mr. Peabody closes his Life of Putnam as follows : 
" It only remains for us to say a few words respecting 
the military and personal character of one, whose his- 
tory we have thus attempted to delineate. His quali- 
ties as a soldier are already apparent to the reader. 
Under all circumstances, however critical, he was per- 
fectly fearless and self-possessed, and full of the most 
active energy and resource at the time when they were 



231 

most urgently required. No man could surpass him in 
the fiery charge, of which the success depends so much 
upon the leader ; in this respect he reminds the reader 
of Murat, the gallant marshal of Napoleon ; nor would 
the general feeling deny him the proud title, by which 
another of those marshals was distinguished, that of the 
bravest of the brave," [Marshal Ney.] 

Notwithstanding all that is here said, it is in vain we 
search the histories of the American revolutionary war 
for a single fiery charge of Putnam ; where he gained 
a victory, or even fought a battle. And as to his feats 
in the French war, the reader is now enabled to form 
a just estimate of their value. 

Without attributing the effect of magical delusion 
operating upon the public mind, it is difficult to account 
for the universal opinion entertained of the character 
of Putnam so contrary to that which he exhibited 
through the whole course of his life. All was bluster 
and bravado, without corresponding action to support 
his pretensions. Gen. Putnam, however, must have 
possessed much ingenuity and tact to have acquired 
the fame of a great warrior without subjecting himself 
to the personal hazai'ds usually required for that pur- 
pose. As to his patriotism, let the reader judge. Fiat 



THE END. 



,^i-X^ 



(T'^ 



>^ 



